You are only a failure if you say so
No one is born a winner. No one. Even the great successful people failed at some point. In fact, most successful people are actually the world’s greatest failures. They people failed the most. The reason they are not called that today is because they didn’t accept failures and his laid there, down and out. No they got up after each failure and tried again. Maybe with little adjustments but got up.
The people who say they’ve never failed are actually they greatest failures. Because they failed to try. When a child learns to walk, he fails many times. I think this should be a lesson to all of us. Failure is not the enemy. Failing to try is.
If you don’t try, you’ll never feel the pain of failing. You’ll never in how it’s like to cry in your sleep thinking you are they most stupid person in the world. You’ll never experience the shame you get after pitching an idea you worked on for months only to have a boardroom full of people laughing at you. You’ll never feel the pitch of being cornered between everything you live, and an idea you’re willing to die for. At the same time, you’ll never experience true success. Contentment. You’ll never feel the pride of getting up. To look down and say, “I did that. I made that”.
I wish my son failure. I wish home to opportunity to gain pride in his success. The ability to get up, go beyond your father did. The ability to say “I”, not my father, not my grandfather. “I” changed the cause of history in my family. I did that. I interfered with the system. I did what no one in my family ever did. I did that.
Black child. You can be that person. Dare to fail, for in failure we gain the greatest knowledge. We assess our lives. We get reed of bad friends. We gain our true identity. In failure, we restrategise, reorganize, and plan our next wave of attack. It’s in this phase that our success is earned. I chose to fail forward.
Tuesday, 23 October 2018
Monday, 24 September 2018
The Role And Definition Of A Man In The 21st Century
Preface take from the book "Understanding the purpose and power of men" by Dr Myles Munroe (Buy the book, you won't regret it).
The twenty-first century male is in crisis. Throughout the nations of our global village, the prisons are filled with multitudes of men. Compared to their counterpart, women, they are responsible for a vast majority of the criminal behavior worldwide. They are also victims of drug abuse and the principal carriers of the dreaded AIDS virus. Many have found a home in subculture gangs, instigating antisocial activities that wreak havoc on the social order. Men revel in the oppression of women and perpetuate domestic violence. In every culture and social system, men are struggling to find their place in a fast-changing world. In many societies, the dramatic change in the status of women, the workplace, and traditional cultural roles has left a significant number of men confused, disillusioned, angry, frustrated, and traumatized. Yes, the male of this cyber-technical, Internet-driven, postmodern world is caught in a worldwide web of confusion. Men are in trouble but are afraid to admit it. They are lost in a maze of new paradigms and the uncharted waters of social and cultural convergence. Change is often the source of uncertainty and a measure of fear and anxiety. For many, this type of fear is difficult to manage, and it causes varying reactions. Some negative reactions to change include denial, ignorance, isolation, anger, resistance, and resentment. These reactions can cause serious effects on the environment in which the change is taking place. The result can be oppression, suppression, violence, and the spirit of control. A brief study of the behavior of the male-factor in many nations today, including yours, will reveal such reactions to cultural changes. The drastic transitions taking place in social structures and the shifting of long-held beliefs are destroying the defining lines and the very definitions of our lives. For the male in most societies and cultures, this redefinition is traumatic and has rendered many men without a clear definition of manhood, masculinity, and fatherhood.
The impact of the confusion on women, the family, and society is also frightening. Many women suffer the violence of angry men. Children are victims of abuse and resentment, and society bears the scars of social deterioration. Governments are helpless to respond to this phenomenon. They find their ideas, laws, and social programs ineffective in addressing it. Men are clearly in trouble. So what is a man to do? The number one challenge to the male is his identity crisis. The average man is confused about his manhood, masculinity, and sexuality. He doesn‘t have a clear definition of what a man is supposed to be. Some men have confused their cultural, social, and traditional roles with the definition of manhood. However, this has proven to be one of the major causes of the problem because, as the roles change, so does a man‘s image of himself. How do we measure a man? What is true manhood? How do you define masculinity? What is true male sexuality? What is the true purpose of the male in relation to the female? Is there a universal definition of manhood? Can it be attained? Where do we go to get this definition? This book addresses answers to these critical questions from the perspective of the male. The purpose and role of the male in the scheme of human experience is explored through returning to the original process of his creation, based on the premise that no one knows the product like the manufacturer. No product can understand its identity by asking the customer, because only the manufacturer knows the original purpose and potential of his product. Therefore, it is imperative that the male rediscover his original purpose and understand his true potential, as well as gain a clear understanding of his principal function within the human family. The male is the key to building strong, enduring social infrastructures, stable families, sane societies, and secure nations. It is critical that the subject of the male‘s crisis be a priority for men, women, and national governments, so that we can secure progressive social developments within the countries of the world. Let us begin our journey through the land of cultural confusion to rediscover the purpose and power of the real male.
The twenty-first century male is in crisis. Throughout the nations of our global village, the prisons are filled with multitudes of men. Compared to their counterpart, women, they are responsible for a vast majority of the criminal behavior worldwide. They are also victims of drug abuse and the principal carriers of the dreaded AIDS virus. Many have found a home in subculture gangs, instigating antisocial activities that wreak havoc on the social order. Men revel in the oppression of women and perpetuate domestic violence. In every culture and social system, men are struggling to find their place in a fast-changing world. In many societies, the dramatic change in the status of women, the workplace, and traditional cultural roles has left a significant number of men confused, disillusioned, angry, frustrated, and traumatized. Yes, the male of this cyber-technical, Internet-driven, postmodern world is caught in a worldwide web of confusion. Men are in trouble but are afraid to admit it. They are lost in a maze of new paradigms and the uncharted waters of social and cultural convergence. Change is often the source of uncertainty and a measure of fear and anxiety. For many, this type of fear is difficult to manage, and it causes varying reactions. Some negative reactions to change include denial, ignorance, isolation, anger, resistance, and resentment. These reactions can cause serious effects on the environment in which the change is taking place. The result can be oppression, suppression, violence, and the spirit of control. A brief study of the behavior of the male-factor in many nations today, including yours, will reveal such reactions to cultural changes. The drastic transitions taking place in social structures and the shifting of long-held beliefs are destroying the defining lines and the very definitions of our lives. For the male in most societies and cultures, this redefinition is traumatic and has rendered many men without a clear definition of manhood, masculinity, and fatherhood.
The impact of the confusion on women, the family, and society is also frightening. Many women suffer the violence of angry men. Children are victims of abuse and resentment, and society bears the scars of social deterioration. Governments are helpless to respond to this phenomenon. They find their ideas, laws, and social programs ineffective in addressing it. Men are clearly in trouble. So what is a man to do? The number one challenge to the male is his identity crisis. The average man is confused about his manhood, masculinity, and sexuality. He doesn‘t have a clear definition of what a man is supposed to be. Some men have confused their cultural, social, and traditional roles with the definition of manhood. However, this has proven to be one of the major causes of the problem because, as the roles change, so does a man‘s image of himself. How do we measure a man? What is true manhood? How do you define masculinity? What is true male sexuality? What is the true purpose of the male in relation to the female? Is there a universal definition of manhood? Can it be attained? Where do we go to get this definition? This book addresses answers to these critical questions from the perspective of the male. The purpose and role of the male in the scheme of human experience is explored through returning to the original process of his creation, based on the premise that no one knows the product like the manufacturer. No product can understand its identity by asking the customer, because only the manufacturer knows the original purpose and potential of his product. Therefore, it is imperative that the male rediscover his original purpose and understand his true potential, as well as gain a clear understanding of his principal function within the human family. The male is the key to building strong, enduring social infrastructures, stable families, sane societies, and secure nations. It is critical that the subject of the male‘s crisis be a priority for men, women, and national governments, so that we can secure progressive social developments within the countries of the world. Let us begin our journey through the land of cultural confusion to rediscover the purpose and power of the real male.
Saturday, 16 September 2017
Biko: The man beyond his brutal murder
Tiyani Lybon Mabasa
Much has been written about Steve Biko, but the emphasis has been on the treatment he received from the apartheid police that culminated in his brutal murder.
There was more to Biko than his detention, sub-human treatment and lonely death - far away from family and friends on a cold concrete slab in a Pretoria cell.
He was not only the embodiment of our liberation struggle, but its cornerstone, and a resonant and triumphant voice that spoke to us in our language. He almost single-handedly inspired the people at a critical moment in our history.
Were it not for Biko and his radical Black Consciousness Movement, one wonders how long it would have taken our people to rid themselves of the fear that hindered them in their fight against apartheid.
Biko is incomparable with anyone in our country or the world. It is for that reason that 30 years after his death, he is still regarded as South Africa's second-most recognisable face, irrespective of the fact that he has not received due honour.
Biko had the same weaknesses that all people have, but his mind, commitment and vision were in a class of their own. His understanding of the plight and conditions of black people transcended borders and countries. He knew the problems that oppressed blacks globally faced and what they had to do to get out of that situation.
Biko said: "The greatest weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the minds of those whom they oppress."
He said black consciousness was not about race, but about the fight against racist oppression. This situation persists in the white world and was largely the basis for slavery and colonisation.
He urged black people to define and discover themselves, their history and their values. For Biko it was the only logical and reasonable way of finding their self worth.
Donald Woods, editor of the Daily Dispatch when Biko was killed, said he had interacted with and interviewed many leaders all over the world, but he had met no one as vibrant, as visionary or as intelligent as Biko.
The same sentiments were echoed by former US senator and US ambassador to the UN, Andrew Young, the right-hand man of US civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. Young called Biko a colossus that South Africa could ill afford to lose.
While it would be easy to say that blacks lost their greatest leader and visionary in Biko, the truth is that South Africans, black and white, lost a leader who understood that cosmetic change would not be enough for a country that is so historically divided.
Even in the darkest hours of apartheid, Biko never displayed any bitterness towards white people. He understood the poison that was apartheid and how it permeated the psychology of white people's thinking.
He said that they were not passive victims, but conscious participants in the oppression of black people, because year after year, white South Africans voted the racist regime into power. So collectively, they were willing to dip their fingers in the reserved pool of privilege. That situation has placed whites in a better economic positions, even under democracy.
Biko defined the terrain of the struggle and understood the futility and impotence of multiracial organisations and homelands. He cautioned against creating a black middle class: "By bringing a few educated black people to positions of power and wealth."
Biko said that any economic policy that panders to the dictatorship of the markets or submits to private ownership of the means of production, will not bring reprieve to the majority of people.
He said that the only difference will be that the new advocates and defenders of the system will be blacks or in his words, "non- whites".
Biko, contrary to what so many people would like us to believe, did not believe in "blurred visions or lines" nor was he neutral in terms of his people or the movement he founded. His struggle was about freeing his people. He had identified the tools and instruments he would use to achieve his goals.
To cast Biko in the mould of the new "democrats", the black elite who have sold their souls to the devil, is to betray the man, his people and his vision. He had chosen the poor and black people. He refused to compromise and that is why he was so brutally killed.
It was for the rural poor and blacks in general that Biko helped build Zanempilo Clinic. He set up community projects to promote self-sufficiency and independence for black people, and Zimele Trust to defend them from the tyranny of arbitrary detentions.
Blacks remain powerless in the new dispensation. The majority do not own land, are homeless and struggle with HIV-Aids and other deadly diseases. They are forced to buy water and electricity, the two things they need most to survive. Biko would be on their side.
l Tiyani Lybon Mabasa is president of the Socialist Party of Azania.
Wednesday, 24 May 2017
85 Inspiring quotes by black women
85 QUOTES FROM BLACK WOMEN TO INSPIRE YOU
Every great dream begins with a dreamer. Always remember, you have within you the strength, the patience, and the passion to reach for the stars to change the world. -Harriet Tubman Tweet This
What God intended for you goes far beyond anything you can imagine. -Oprah Winfrey
I did what my conscience told me to do, and you can't fail if you do that. -Anita Hill
Life is very short and what we have to do must be done in the now. -Audre Lorde
It’s not about supplication, it’s about power. It’s not about asking, it’s about demanding. It’s not about convincing those who are currently in power, it’s about changing the very face of power itself. - Kimberle Williams Crenshaw
Mistakes are a fact of life. It is the response to the error that counts. -Nikki Giovanni
Don't feel entitled to anything you didn't sweat and struggle for. -Marian Wright Edelman
No matter what accomplishments you make, somebody helped you. -Althea Gibson
As you become more clear about who you really are, you'll be better able to decide what is best for you - the first time around. -Oprah Winfrey
We can say "Peace on Earth." We can sing about it, preach about it or pray about it, but if we have not internalized the mythology to make it happen inside us, then it will not be. -Betty Shabazz
It's not the load that breaks you down, it's the way you carry it. -Lena Horne
It is not our differences that divide us. It is our inability to recognize, accept, and celebrate those differences. -Audre Lorde
There's always something to suggest that you'll never be who you wanted to be. Your choice is to take it or keep on moving. -Phylicia Rashad
Don't wait around for other people to be happy for you. Any happiness you get you've got to make yourself. -Alice Walker
Give light and people will find the way. -Ella Baker
Breathe. Let go. And remind yourself that this very moment is the only one you know you have for sure. -Oprah Winfrey
All great achievements require time. -Maya Angelou
The kind of beauty I want most is the hard-to-get kind that comes from within - strength, courage, dignity. -Ruby Dee
Service is the rent that you pay for room on this earth. -Shirley Chisholm
Related: How to Trust Your Vision, Even When Others Don't
The thing that makes you exceptional, if you are at all, is inevitably that which must also make you lonely. -Lorraine Hansberry
I get angry about things, then go on and work. -Toni Morrison
Just remember the world is not a playground but a schoolroom. Life is not a holiday but an education. One eternal lesson for us all: to teach us how better we should love. -Barbara Jordan
Sometimes it's worse to win a fight than to lose. -Billie Holiday
Greatness is not measured by what a man or woman accomplishes, but by the opposition he or she has overcome to reach his goals. -Dorothy Height
When I dare to be powerful - to use my strength in the service of my vision, then it becomes less and less important whether I am afraid. -Audre Lorde
We must not, in trying to think about how we can make a big difference, ignore the small daily differences we can make which, over time, add up to big differences that we often cannot foresee. - Marian Wright Edelman
You don't make progress by standing on the sidelines, whimpering and complaining. You make progress by implementing ideas. - Shirley Chisholm
Grab the broom of anger and drive off the beast of fear. -Zora Neale Hurston
How simple a thing it seems to me that to know ourselves as we are, we must know our mothers names. -Alice Walker
Learn to be quiet enough to hear the genuine within yourself so that you can hear it in others. - Marian Wright Edelman
I am deliberate and afraid of nothing. -Audre Lorde
I have found that among its other benefits, giving liberates the soul of the giver. -Maya Angelou
If there is a book that you want to read, but it hasn't been written yet, you must be the one to write it. - Toni Morrison
Just because I have my standards they think I'm a bitch. -Diana Ross
Your silence will not protect you. -Audre Lorde
There are still many causes worth sacrificing for, so much history yet to be made. -Michelle Obama
Cease to be a drudge, seek to be an artist. -Mary McLeod Bethune
I freed a thousand slaves I could have freed a thousand more if only they knew they were slaves. -Harriet Tubman
Love makes your soul crawl out from its hiding place. -Zora Neale Hurston
Don't be afraid to feel as angry or as loving as you can, because when you feel nothing, it's just death. -Lena Horne
Is solace anywhere more comforting than that in the arms of a sister. -Alice Walker
I've learned that people will forget what you said, people will forget what you did, but people will never forget how you made them feel. -Maya Angelou
Don't agonize, organize. -Florynce Kennedy
Everything will change. The only question is growing up or decaying. -Nikki Giovanni
I did my best, and God did the rest. -Hattie McDaniel
Be thankful for what you have; you'll end up having more. If you concentrate on what you don't have, you will never, ever have enough. -Oprah Winfrey
You're not obligated to win. You're obligated to keep trying to do the best you can every day. -Marian Wright Edelman
Never be afraid to sit awhile and think. -Lorraine Hansberry
Your willingness to look at your darkness is what empowers you to change -Iyanla Vanzant
Struggle is a never ending process. Freedom is never really won, you earn it and win it in every generation. -Coretta Scott King
If I didn't define myself for myself, I would be crunched into other people's fantasies for me and eaten alive. -Audre Lorde
I will not have my life narrowed down. I will not bow down to somebody else's whim or to someone else's ignorance. -bell hooks
If you don't understand yourself you don't understand anybody else. -Nikki Giovanni
Don't let anyone rob you of your imagination, your creativity, or your curiosity. It's your place in the world; it's your life. Go on and do all you can with it, and make it the life you want to live. -Mae Jemison
You never find yourself until you face the truth. -Pearl Bailey
Love is or it ain't. Thin love ain't love at all. -Toni Morrison
The greatest gift is not being afraid to question. -Ruby Dee
Related: The Recession Lesson
Surround yourself with only people who are going to lift you higher. -Oprah Winfrey
You know, you do need mentors, but in the end, you really just need to believe in yourself. -Diana Ross
No person is your friend who demands your silence, or denies your right to grow. -Alice Walker
It's in the act of having to do things that you don't want to that you learn something about moving past the self. Past the ego. -bell hooks
Each person must live their life as a model for others. -Rosa Parks
If you don't like something, change it. If you can't change it, change your attitude. -Maya Angelou
I don't believe in failure. It is not failure if you enjoyed the process. -Oprah Winfrey
Nobody's free until everybody's free. -Fannie Lou Hamer
A lot of people refuse to do things because they don't want to go naked, don't want to go without guarantee. But that's what's got to happen. You go naked until you die. -Nikki Giovanni
The cause of freedom is not the cause of a race or a sect, a party or a class-it is the cause of human kind, the very birthright of humanity. -Anna Julia Cooper
Nobody is as powerful as we make them out to be. -Alice Walker
Always be smarter than the people who hire you. -Lena Horne
No person has the right to rain on your dreams. -Marian Wright Edelman
Doing the best at this moment puts you in the best place for the next moment. -Oprah Winfrey
Only by learning to live in harmony with your contradictions can you keep it all afloat. -Audre Lorde
You have a right to your thoughts and feelings. Your feelings are always valid. -Iyanla Vanzant
Never work just for money or for power. They won't save your soul or help you sleep at night. -Marian Wright Edelman
Hate is too great a burden to bear. It injures the hater more than it injures the hated. -Coretta Scott King
We may encounter many defeats but we must not be defeated. -Maya Angelou
I have learned over the years that when one's mind is made up, this diminishes fear; knowing what must be done does away with fear. -Rosa Parks
Each time you love, love as deeply as if it were forever. - Audre Lorde
A woman's gifts will make room for her. -Hattie McDaniel
I really don't think life is about the I-could-have-beens. Life is only about the I-tried-to-do. I don't mind the failure but I can't imagine that I'd forgive myself if I didn't try. -Nikki Giovanni
Prayer begins where human capacity ends. -Marian Anderson
I am not going to die, I'm going home like a shooting star. -Sojourner Truth
We have to talk about liberating minds as well as liberating society. -Angela Davis
The most common way people give up their power is by thinking they don't have any. -Alice Walker
I have a lot of things to prove to myself. One is that I can live my life fearlessly. -Oprah Winfrey
Never work just for money or for power. They won't save your soul or help you sleep at night. -Marian Wright Edelman
Quotes complied For Harriet
Wednesday, 10 May 2017
Moving SA out of its low-growth and high-inequality trap by Mcebisi Jonas
Moving SA out of its low-growth and high-inequality trap
Mcebisi Jonas
2017-02-19 20:15
Mcebisi Jonas, deputy minister of Finance.
Related Links
Brokering a New Deal for SA
1. Introduction
A combination of external and internal factors will make the next few years difficult for South Africa to navigate. As highlighted at the 2017 World Economic Forum in Davos, a continued weak global economic outlook, rising global inequality, and the emergence of populism and economic nationalism (illustrated through Brexit and Trump), bring a number of risks for emerging economies such as South Africa’s which are highly dependent on external sources of capital and markets, and do not have the technology base to take advantage of the fourth industrial revolution.
Back home, the 1994 national consensus has reached its limit.
This bargain entailed a political and class compromise which (1) safe-guarded the interests of the existing (white) economic elite, (2) created a new black elite primarily through state employment and rents, (3) put in place a robust system of democratic accountability; (4) provided a more secure and regulated labour market for the organised working class, and (5) established a comprehensive system of fiscal redistribution for the poor (i.e. welfare).
There is no doubt that the 1994 consensus – especially the welfare spending component – brought significant social returns in reducing extreme poverty and vulnerability, and extending access to basic services. And there is also no question that our robust system of accountability and the democratic institutions we have established provide critical checks and balances to those entrusted with the means of state administration and coercion.
But we must accept that the 1994 consensus has become unviable and is unravelling. Sustained low rates of economic growth – more pronounced since 2008 and predicted to continue over the next few years – have limited the fiscal income that can be redistributed.
Inequality has not reduced, ownership of the economy remains highly concentrated, and higher economic returns continue to accrue to those already endowed with capital and skills. Our poor education and training outcomes haven’t helped, despite the not insignificant per capita spending on education.
The ambitious project of creating a developmental state to transform the apartheid economy has been hamstrung by the absence of the necessary coherence and capability, as well as patronage and corruption associated with rents controlled by the state.
Short termism and populism are on the rise, fed by the growing restlessness of our people who are not blind to the obscene inequality that abounds and who are losing hope in a future of shared prosperity.
We need a paradigm shift, underpinned by a new consensus – a new bargain around which the state, business, labour and civil society can cohere – to move us out of our low growth and high inequality trap. We must not be naïve and think this will be easy to achieve.
This paper examines our low growth-high inequality trap, and proposes a set of policy prescripts to escape the trap. The paper argues that these policy prescripts need to form the basis of a new social bargain, a contract for inclusive growth, which will serve to protect the economy from the worst risks of the current global turbulence, while putting a set of new measures in place to fire up the economy in a manner that more deliberately reduces inequality.
First, though, a conceptual framework is needed to better understand the causal determinants of growth and inequality traps, and what must be done to break these traps.
2. A conceptual framework to tackle growth and inequality traps
Four fundamental points about inequality and the economy need to be made to frame our approach to addressing inequality in South Africa.
High levels of inequality are bad for growth
For decades, mainstream economists tended to argue that there is a trade-off between economic equality and economic efficiency. Over the last decade or two, this view has been over-turned with a growing perspective that inequality is bad for growth (see for example Deininger and Squire, 1998 and Ostry, 2014).
Deininger and Squire’s study is particularly revealing for us here in South Africa in its finding that there is a strong negative correlation between inequality in asset distribution (proxied by land ownership) and growth. In their study, only two of the 15 developing countries sampled with a Gini coefficient for the distribution of land in excess of 70 managed to grow at more than 2.5% average over the 1960 to 1992 period. In the South African case, there can be no doubt that our extremely high levels of inherited asset inequality are bad for growth.
Even the International Monetary Fund is now in agreement that inequality is bad for growth. Researchers such as Ostry (2014) argue that inequality undermines growth, and that countries thaat have been able to achieve sustained levels of high growth generally have lower levels of inequality. Poverty traps in the lower quintiles of a population reduce aggregate demand, continued education inequalities limit the human capacity required for a rapidly growing economy, and high levels of asset and wealth inequalities cause investment-reducing political and economic instability, and undercut the social consensus required to adjust in the face of major shocks.
In recent discussions of the “secular stagnation” of western economies since the global financial crisis of 2008 several leading US economists (such as Stiglitz, Summers and DeLong) have argued that rising inequality is the primary cause of the present stagnation of Western economies (see, for example, DeLong, 2017).
In this they go back to the work of the popular English economist JA Hobson who argued that rising inequality would depress consumption demand and generate a surplus of savings (since the rich have a lower propensity to consume than the poor).
Real investment spending would also weaken in the face of stagnant consumer demand. (After spending time in South Africa during the war of 1899-1902 Hobson used this “under-consumptionist” argument to explain the economic basis of imperialism. This argument was later taken up by Lenin in his famous 1916 pamphlet on imperialism).
In addition to the depressing effects of inequality on aggregate demand, several other “channels” whereby inequality reduces growth have been confirmed, such as inequality causing political instability that reduces growth (see Alesina and Perotti, 1995); high inequality that weakens the middle class consensus which reduces growth (see Easterly, 2001); inequality fuelling corruption that is growth-reducing (see Alesina and Angeletos, 2005) and financialisation and its growth-reducing and inequality-increasing effects (see, for example, Assa, 2012).
Global financialisation is, of course, the dominant feature of the current neoliberal era. Financialisation refers both to the increasing relative size of the finance sector itself and the dominance of non-financial corporations by finance (and the consequent drive to maximise short-term shareholder value). Financialisation increases inequality through the high returns on financial capital, and through increasingly high salaries paid to senior employees (as detailed by Piketty). Financialisation also reduces growth by diverting capital from real productive investment (where low skill and middle skill jobs can be created) into speculative financial investment.
Growth, in itself, does not necessarily reduce inequality
Does growth reduce inequality? Much of the literature from the 1950’s was influenced by Kuznets’ hypothesis that inequality increases with income growth in the early stages of development and only decreases in the later stages. But the Kuznets hypothesis has now been discredited: the correlation between growth and changes in inequality is now seen to differ from country to country, depending on initial structural conditions and differing policy stances. In some countries growth has taken place with simultaneous inequality reduction (eg a number of South East Asian countries), while in others growth has been associated with rising inequality (a number of commodity-exporting African and middle-eastern countries).
Reviewing the literature, and by no means exhaustive, the key variables which determine the extent to which inequality will be reduced by growth include:
» The relative size of the fiscal redistribution package – in country cases where relatively high social wage expenditure exists, growth has an inequality reducing impact (through increased state revenue funding increased fiscal redistribution);
» Levels of education inequality – the higher the levels of education inequality, the less likely growth will be inequality reducing, with benefits disproportionately accruing to the better educated;
» The relative size of the middle class – countries with relatively smaller middle classes (less than 40% of income) and extreme wealth disparities between the elites and the poor tend to reproduce these extreme inequalities with growth;
» The employment-intensity of the growth – capital-intensive growth has tended to increase inequality, especially in country cases with high initial unemployment;
» The extent to which productivity growth accompanies economic growth, which enables wage-led inequality reduction;
» The extent to which the structure of capital is concentrated, with high levels of concentration often deepening inequality with growth;
» The extent of financialisation – in which the rates of return of capital in highly financialised capitalist economies, exceeds the rate of growth, increasing wealth and income inequalities (as elaborated by Piketty);
» The extent to which wealth is generated through rent-seeking, as opposed to value-adding productive activity; and
» The extent of corruption, with higher levels of corruption crowding out investment, reducing the fiscal redistribution package, and reducing state capacity to tackle inequality.
So in different countries, the combination of these variables influences the extent to which growth potentially benefits the poor and previously dispossessed. In the South African context, it is only really the country’s expansive fiscal redistribution programme that ensures that the poor will benefit from growth. All other variables – high capital concentration, financialisation, rent-seeking, capital intensity, the small middle class, and high education inequality – point to continued high levels of inequality, even when the economy grows.
Growth is still important for inequality reduction
But because growth, in itself, will not necessarily reduce inequality, this should not be taken to mean that growth is unimportant for inequality reduction. Growth both expands the fiscal resources available for redistribution as well as potentially expanding employment and business opportunities for the non-rich. So growth is a necessary, but not a sufficient condition for inequality reduction that simultaneously reduces levels of poverty.
Where redistribution happens in a stagnant economy, both the rich and poor are adversely affected. International comparative experience indicates that the redistribution of assets impacts most on the welfare of the poor when accompanied by increased aggregate investment. So in contexts where aggregate investment is in decline, even where inequality may be reduced, levels of poverty will also likely increase (as a result of reduced fiscal redistribution, rising unemployment etc).
Growth must be accompanied by economic transformation (inclusive growth)
Fiscal redistribution programmes (progressive taxation, health, education, welfare and housing) play a critical role in reducing extreme poverty, and do have an inequality-reducing impact. Similarly asset redistribution programmes (such as land reform), and regulatory measures (such as broad-based black economic empowerment), also have some inequality-reducing impact. But these impacts are minimal if the causal determinants of inequality – rooted in the structures of the economy – are not simultaneously transformed.
This point is picked up in the South African Communist Party’s “Going to the root. A radical second phase of the [national democratic revolution]” (2014), in which it is argued that South Africa’s redistribution programme over the past 20 years – as important as it has been – was not matched with measures to transform the systemic features of the country’s economy. This de-link between redistribution and production has undermined the impacts of redistribution both on inequality and growth.
Perry Anderson (2011), in his assessment of Lula’s Brazil, makes a similar argument. Despite the enormous successes (such as poverty reduction) associated with Lula’s extensive fiscal redistribution programmes and succession of minimum wage increases, Lula did not succeed in restructuring the economy to make it more inclusive. Instead, in ways that mirror South Africa, Lula’s fiscal redistribution triumphs were matched somewhat with industrial regression. Reflecting Brazil’s subordinate position in global technologically driven value chains, the last 20 years have seen a continuous shift away from value-adding industrial sectors towards the financial sector and resource-based extraction. Again, in ways similar to South Africa, this has created new vulnerabilities as weak commodities demand and fickle financial inflows now threaten the sustainability of Brazil’s fiscal redistribution package in the post-Lula conjuncture.
Policy focus should not be reduced – as a zero sum game – to redistributing existing assets as an end in its own right. Redistribution outcomes must be better linked to production outcomes to have sustained economic impact.
And redistribution measures – where they are most effective – must take a dynamic view of the economy, and where new assets and wealth are being (or can be) created. In this sense, redistribution measures should be a core component of industrial policy (redistributive industrial policy).
Similarly, redistribution measures must take account of the real factors that exclude the poor and previously dispossessed from accumulating wealth. This includes access to capital, productive assets (which includes land), skills, markets, and, in the context of the fourth industrial revolution – technology, that excludes the poor and previously dispossessed from the means to generate wealth.
It is this ownership of capital and technology, as well as access to markets, that perpetuates (and even exacerbates) class inequality as well as spatial inequality (between countries as well as regions within countries) associated with uneven development.
Policy responses to combat inequality therefore have to move beyond the usual approaches of fiscal redistribution and asset redistribution, to include measures that provide the poor and previously dispossessed with access to productivity enhancing capital, skills, technology and markets.
This becomes the core business of the developmental state, which must continually seek ways to create wealth (through investment and growth) but at the same time offset the tendencies towards concentration and rising inequality.
3. Understanding the low growth high inequality trap in South Africa
Twenty two years after democracy, South Africa remains with obscene levels of inequality:
» The wealthiest 10% of the population own more than 90% of all wealth and more than 55% of income;
» The next 40% of the population – the group that is often considered to be the middle class – earn about 30% to 35% (less than 50% generally elsewhere) of all income, but less than 10% of the wealth; and
» The poorest 50% of the population, who earn about 10% of all income, own little- to- no measurable wealth.
There is no doubt that South Africa’s massive inherited asset and wealth inequality is a major impediment to growth. In this sense, high inequality and low growth co-exist in a vicious cycle, each reinforcing the other.
South Africa’s extraordinarily high levels of inequality have their roots in the colonial crimes of conquest, dispossession and apartheid oppression, which currently explains the close correlation between class and race inequality.
Since 1994, South Africa has implemented what is the largest welfare programme in Africa, with relatively higher rates of fiscal redistribution than countries like Brazil, Chile, Columbia, Indonesia and Mexico. We have also redistributed assets (primarily land) although not in a manner that has dented asset inequality, and have adopted a range of regulatory measures aimed at addressing race inequality (such as affirmative action, preferential procurement and Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment).
But inequality remains, and in all likelihood is rising. This is because inequality is rooted and reproduced in the structure of the economy, which we need to understand if we are to transform.
Historically white monopoly capital played a core role in reproducing South Africa’s highly unequal economy (built around the minerals-energy-complex). In the mid-1980s, some 83% of JSE shares were owned by four giant companies, all owned by white South Africans, who controlled economic activity in mining, finance, the industrial sector, agri-business and retail.
Today, nine of the 10 richest South Africans are still white men, but to say that the structure of capital has remained unchanged misses some core tendencies associated with the globalisation of the past few decades (see for example van der Walt, 2016, who in spite of his anarchistic leanings provides some useful analysis on the structure of South African capital).
These tendencies include:
» First, our large conglomerates have unbundled (Anglo for example now has a mostly mining focus and has shed holdings in other sectors). This has contributed directly to manufacturing disinvestment and loss of capability in key value chains.
» Second, some of the largest segments of white monopoly capital have globalised, with primary share listings in foreign stock exchanges, and massive interests and investments elsewhere in the world (far surpassing their interests in South Africa). The reality is that much of our big capital is less patriotic and more mobile than we think, which has enormous implications for how we engage capital to retain and expand current investment.
» Third, as an upshot of the same liberalised capital controls that allowed our large conglomerates to export capital and list abroad, private capital in our economy is now significantly foreign owned (just under 40% of JSE capitalisation and 50% of the JSE top 40 is foreign owned). As a related matter, much of our government debt (approximately 40%) is also financed through foreign savings (which is why we take our investment status and related costs of borrowing seriously).
» Fourth, in line with global trends since the 1980s, capital in South Africa has increasingly financialised. The finance, real estate and business services sector now accounts for 20% of GDP, and a startling 53% of PAYE payments in 2014-2015, indicating the very high wages in this high skills sector (the second largest sector PAYE payments contributor is Government at 19%). The financialisation of capital in South Africa has directly fuelled income inequality, and has redirected capital away from productive investment (where low and semi-skilled jobs could have been created). Financialised capital is also more mobile, and easier to disinvest.
»Fifth, SA’s increased integration with global finance capital has also fuelled inequality through increasing share prices on the JSE; circumscribed policy options to deal with inequality (because of risks of capital flight), and increased our exposure to global financial shocks.
» Finally, the over-simplification of reducing our capital structure to white monopoly capital draws attention away from the by no means insignificant role of state capital in the South African economy – owning and controlling approximately 30% of the economy in highly strategic sectors such as state banking, information technology, energy, transport, aerospace and the weapons industry, communication, among others. In addition the state owns about 25% of land, and has an array of regulatory and administrative apparatus to influence the behaviour of capital. There is also the question of pension funds and union investment funds, which currently play and could be geared to play an even more strategic role in the economy.
So what are the implications of this understanding for growth and transformation?
» Many of the challenges we face are not peculiar to South Africa (although more negatively impacted because of high initial conditions of inequality and unemployment). Globally, foreign-based big capital is driven by short term shareholder maximisation, and ownership traded in highly liquid markets. This seriously limits our ability to draw this capital into a national development project.
» This does not mean that we cannot leverage any big capital. Capital has different degrees of mobility depending on, for example, their dependence on a fixed resource and investment in fixed capital. This is important to recognise as part of the project of developing patriotic capital.
» Much of the big capital that is referred to as monopoly capital operates in highly competitive global markets (through which we derive important export benefits).
» There is still rampant monopolisation in some domestic markets, eg. processed food, financial services, construction, private healthcare, as well as state markets (such as ports and electricity). Here institutions such as the Competition Commission need to be given teeth and resources.
» A significant component of new growth and employment will come from small and medium sized firms (not big capital). The focus should not be only on the restructuring of big capital as part of our transformation programme.
» Transformation should not be reduced to black rent-seeking replacing white rent seeking. Economic transformation cannot be reduced to simply increasing black ownership of the large JSE-listed corporations and the corresponding reduction of South African white and foreign ownership. Even if this could be accomplished without disruptions (such as capital flight), it will not reduce overall inequality in the economy. What is required is fundamental restructuring of the economy, in which rent-seeking is incrementally replaced by the development of new productive capabilities in which the previously disposed have a correspondingly high share.
4. The global response
South Africa is far from unique in being stuck in an high inequality-low growth trap, but because of our extreme inequality and political realities the trap is even more glaring and relevant here than elsewhere.
A recent paper on “Restarting the global economy” (Michael Spence et al, 2015) argues that “there is a strong argument that current trends (of rising income inequality) will be detrimental to both the demand and supply sides of economic growth, indeed a drag on future growth. In many countries this implies that “new deals” in political economy terms need to be discussed”.
Spence et al argue that three sets of actions are necessary to restart the global economy:
» A coordinated global fiscal stimulus to aggregate demand (as done by G20 in 2008-09)
» Channel exorbitantly large pools of global liquidity into infrastructure for a rapidly urbanising world, using multilateral risk mitigation methods.
» Mechanisms to ensure wider and intergenerational sharing of the benefits of future technological advances and global integration (such as better quality education for low-income households).
The global growth model of 1980 to 2007 (often referred to as neo-liberalism), based on globalisation, liberalisation of trade and capital flows, financial sector deregulation, monetarism and fiscal austerity, has stopped generating inclusive economic growth. The main global outcomes now are rising inequality, financialisation, deindustrialisation, stagnant household incomes and increasing social discontent. This is now increasingly recognised, even by the enforcers of this global growth model themselves (the IMF).
But just as the multi-lateral institutions increasingly acknowledge that inequality must be addressed, we are witnessing a resurgence of populist and nationalist economic politics (such as Brexit and Trump), which will make coordinated multilateral responses (as proposed by Spence et al) more unlikely. The new international politics also create real risks of reduced access to markets, capital and technology for emerging markets such as South Africa.
This unfavourable global development outlook means that a country like South Africa needs to be especially astute and focused to negotiate the turbulent times ahead. South Africa is worryingly vulnerable in the current conjuncture, given its high levels of dependency on foreign commodity markets and foreign portfolio inflows.
5. A new consensus for inclusive growth
This co-incidence of unfavourable global conditions and the growing recognition that we are stuck in a high inequality-low growth trap, implies that we urgently construct a new consensus to transform the economy towards more equal and higher growth.
It is proposed that this new consensus cultivate three new national obsessions around which a critical mass in society – within the state, higher education sector, business sector both established and new, labour and civil society (including the media) – can be mobilised behind supporting a number of policy choices that rapidly transition the economy out of its low growth and high inequality trajectory. These three national obsessions, cascaded down to community level, and built on dialogue and strategic trade-offs, should form the basis of the new consensus for growth with transformation.
The new consensus for inclusive growth is built on the understanding, anchored in the conceptual framework in section 2 above, that economic growth without transformation will reproduce and exacerbate inequalities which in itself will make this growth unsustainable; and transformation without growth, will lead to less investment, jobs and wealth to redistribute, which in itself will likewise trigger elite conflict, making any consensus impossible to manage. The essence of the three national obsessions which make up the new consensus are drawn in the main from existing policy frameworks such as the NDP, NGP, IPAP, our 9-point plan etc (we are not short of good plans), but with new points of emphasis, synergy, and governance arrangements.
5.1 A national obsession with inclusive growth, based on fostering new logistics and technological capabilities that will grow employment, incomes and exports.
South Africa remains locked-in to a capital intensive, energy intensive, and highly financialised historic growth path that (a) reproduces self- serving rent-seeking by the old white, foreign owned and new black rentier classes (b) is too dependent on financial inflows and commodity booms, making the economy extremely vulnerable to global shocks; (c) creates very little new wealth in the productive economy; and (d) excludes large numbers of South Africans from participating eithers as owners of capital or as employees.
The economy is long overdue for transformation and reform. Most economic players would agree on this – the point of debate being what exactly should change, and how should this be achieved?
Two elements of inclusive growth must be unlocked.
(1) Firstly, we need as a matter of urgency to more deliberately diversify the economy away from “fickle capital inflows and commodity booms” (to quote Rodrik, 2015), through identifying new sectors and industries in which we could be competitive, leverage investment, and rapidly grow output and jobs.
The selection of key sectors and industries should be made in collaboration with the private sector on the basis of several criteria, including:
» Existing size (select larger sectors to ensure meaningful impact);
» Lower barriers to entry for new start-ups;
» Growth potential (again for greater impact);
» Labour intensity;
» Export and import-substituting intensity (because of the current account imbalance); and
» Potential competitiveness that can be unlocked (it is pointless to focus on industries in which we are not or cannot be competitive).
Provisionally, and not precluding what will emerge with the intensive consultative engagement which must happen with the private sector, the following sectors and industries have been identified:
» The mining and energy sector (including downstream industries, renewables and gas);
» The infrastructure value chain (leveraging off Africa’s big build programme, and through accelerating the crowding-in of private investment into jointly financed economic infrastructure);
» The ocean economy value chain (including aquaculture, off-shore bunkering, ship building and repair);
» The agriculture value chain (particularly export-intensive and labour-intensive horticulture);
» Advanced export manufacturing (anchored in local supply chains, new technological capabilities, and new logistics capabilities);
» Light manufacturing, including the clothing and footwear industry, both for export and domestic consumption; and
» International tourism (including health tourism), leveraging off our exchange rate advantage.
The approach should be to identify and resolve broader constraints to competitiveness and investment (costs and reliable supply of electricity, port-handling and other logistics costs, costs of broadband etc), as well as specific obstacles to growth and investment in the seven sectors and industries identified above (skills, regulations, infrastructure, finance etc). These should be identified and resolved in collaboration with the private sector in each area. New investment incentives (with the necessary fiscal instruments) should be developed to unlock investment flows. In addition, a new obsession with R&D and technology development and application must be nurtured, working with our HEIs, DST and the science councils. The necessary fiscal instruments for this must be developed with urgency. The finance sector (including pension funds) needs to be intensely engaged to redirect new resources for productive capital expansion, including venture capital for technology development and start-ups. Key to this could be more effective use of instruments such as directed finance and prescribed assets.
(2) Secondly, we need a fresh approach and set of practical measures to combat exclusion. Following Hausman (2015), our approach to inclusivity must move beyond just regulating inclusion (BBBEE etc) and focusing on state sector markets (preferential procurement etc), towards addressing the actual productivity constraints faced by new entrant firms and start-ups owned by the previously dispossessed. Here the state (working with existing corporates) needs to level the playing fields by connecting these start-ups with productivity-enhancing inputs and networks. This includes (a) access to capital (through DFIs, venture capital funds, investment partnerships with established players etc), (b) access to technology (through innovation and technology parks, incubators, technology transfer incentives with established players); (c) access to efficient and cost effective logistics and ICT connectivity (including free wi-fi); (d) access to cost-effective inputs (supplies, including technical skills); (e) access to ongoing business support and mentoring; and (f) access to markets (export support, off-takes, competition reform). Importantly, these support measures can’t be random and generalised, but must be specifically tailored to opportunities in identified and prioritised sectors and industries. The established private sector, which could act either as an enabler or a player that constrains barriers to entry, must be engaged and reoriented through a set of appropriate incentives and sanctions. This will be at the heart of the industry level compacts that need to be negotiated as part of the consensus for inclusive growth.
5.2 A national obsession with constructing a state that is stronger, more capable and less corrupt.
The second national obsession we need to cultivate as part of the new consensus for inclusive growth relates to state capability and orientation.
To start, this must of necessity include inculcating renewed leadership vigour across political formations as well as business, labour and civil society to fix the economy. Without a new vision of where we are going, without a new model of economic governance, and the necessary coherence, co-ordinating capacity, and accountability, the new consensus that is being proposed will be still born.
The difficulties of implementing effective policy are clearly set out in “Theory and Practice of Industrial Policy: Evidence from the Latin American Experience” (Wilson Peres, 2007). Peres argues that elaborate policies are often barely implemented, due to the lack of political will and insufficient attention to translating policy intent into specific instruments, as well as institutional capacity and budgetary resources. Our record of executing policy and plans, especially over terms of government, suggests much room for improvement. Key to this will be to put more emphasis on execution planning, project management, risk management, monitoring and escalation (to address bottlenecks).
Our emphasis on strengthening policy execution should not be taken to mean that theory and strategic reflection is no longer important. This can lead to dangerous tendencies of anti-intellectualism, often associated with the rise of populism. Without theory and strategy, our practice runs the risk of being misdirected and not focused on addressing the causal determinants of low growth and high inequality. What it needed is for theory to always find expression in praxis – in this case in practical and scalable interventions which can simultaneously rebuild investment confidence while addressing economic exclusion. This is at the heart of the industry level compacts that need to be assembled and enabled.
Specific state reforms required for the implementation of this new consensus proposed policy package to drive private sector growth and employment could include the following:
» Continuing with fiscal consolidation and strict management of macro-economic risks which threaten national sovereignty. This includes the continued imposition of tighter fiscal expenditure ceilings and deficit targets; cost containment measures that do not effect service delivery; and far stricter controls over cost of employees (including its reduction as a share of budget over the medium term). Importantly, this must be seen as a national priority, and championed beyond Treasury.
» More decisive management of our state-owned companies (Eskom, SAA, Transnet, post office etc), both to limit contingent liability risks and to reorient towards better serving the national economic agenda (as elaborated in this new consensus for inclusive growth). Here we need to move away from overly ideological positions which are at times being used to serve and protect rent-seeking interests (masquerading as some kind of redistributive outcome), towards pragmatic solutions to particular problems. State intervention and ownership is highly necessary to correct market failure, and rebalance the playing fields towards the previously dispossessed. But we need to be alert to state failure, and cognisant of the veiled interests that underpin some state decision-making. Where SOCs are using their monopoly positions in value chains to crowd out private investment and reinforce uncompetitive pricing, we need to take the same approach as with private cartels. The much needed unbundling of Eskom is a case in point.
» Addressing the current account deficit through targeted export support (industrial support should be more focused on export industries: SEZ incentives, infrastructure, training, R&D etc); addressing transfer pricing issues (particularly of the mining companies); and imposing higher taxes on luxury imports
» Strengthened state capabilities in critical areas such as industrial policy implementation, public investment structuring, transaction and project management, finance sector restructuring, among others
» Sustained and increased public investment to promote growth and industrial diversification, while being much more rigorous in the selection, design and implementation of public investment projects to support economic development. Specifically we need to develop a public investment pipeline that:
• Maximises support to employment creation and export industries
• Is competitively priced (international bench-marking and control of cost overruns)
• Offers the most scope for crowding-in private investment.
• Abandons or cancels investments that do not fit the bill
» Budget baselines need to be revisited to redirect fiscal resources to grow the productive economy. New fiscal and tax instruments need to be developed to enable this.
5.3 A national obsession with improving the quality of public education and training, to achieve the first two.
Good quality basic education is both a development goal itself and a crucial ingredient of economic development. Good quality basic education is crucial to the supply of skills necessary to run a modern, complex, competitive and expanding industrial economy.
Basic education (numeracy, literacy, and other cognitive skills) are essential to vocational skilling. A broken education/skills pipeline (with resulting scarce skills) has four major consequences:
» First, high income returns to skills exacerbates income inequality
» Second, high returns to skills reduces competitiveness with countries that do not suffer from scarce skills
» Third, shortages of skilled workers are a constraint on sustainable industrialisation
» Fourth, the shortage of skilled workers reduces the effectiveness of government bureaucracies
The Education/Skills pipeline in South Africa is broken and needs to be fixed as a central component of the new consensus for inclusive growth. The system directly reproduces social inequality through streaming learners from poor rural and township schools (and TVET colleges) towards unemployment, while streaming the children of elites towards highly paid professional and technical vocations.
Despite the relatively high fiscal allocations to the sector, our basic education system has very poor learner outcomes by international comparison (in literacy, numeracy, problem solving and especially maths and science). This requires a new national obsession with fixing our broken education and skills pipeline. Core elements include:
» Increasing resources to Early Childhood development which is critical to cognitive development;
» Strengthening school performance monitoring and accountability;
» Competency testing of school principals and teachers;
» Importing maths and science teachers as necessary;
» A vigorous programme for teacher re-training and development;
» Empowering parents and communities to hold schools accountable for learner performance ;
» Radically improving the management of the basic education system (eradicate inefficiencies in scholar transport, nutrition support, learner materials, infrastructure, teacher deployment etc);
» Revisit the 2011 Basic Education Accord (2011) to assess progress and confirm priorities and commitments;
» Revisit the 2011 National Skills Accord (July 2011) to assess artisan and internship take-up by private sector and state entities;
» Reconfigure the post-schooling vocation system to align the TVETs and SETAs to industry skills requirements; and
» Providing free higher education to those who cannot afford it, and foregrounding the restructuring of the HE sector in a more dynamic understanding of the future economy.
6. Conclusion
This paper has attempted to provide some insights into South Africa’s low growth and high inequality trap. Globally we are entering a period of uncertainty with the rise of populism and economic nationalism. At home, our 1994 consensus has run its course, and needs to be refreshed with a new consensus that has immediate and practical application. Unemployment is stubbornly high, and growth is stagnant, threatening to limit the existing fiscal redistribution programme of government. Inequality has not reduced. Inequality reducing measures of government, including fiscal redistribution, regulatory interventions such as BBBEE, and asset redistribution (land reform) have had marginal impact on inequality. This is because inequality is rooted in the structure and functioning of the economy, meaning that we can only really address inequality through radical economic reform. Learning from the experience of Brazil and South Africa itself over the past 22 years, growth (and related fiscal redistribution) without transforming the structure of the economy, will not significantly reduce inequality.
Importantly, the paper argued that the current conjuncture is not about a choice between transformation or growth. Instead, we need growth with transformation (referred to in the paper as inclusive growth).
Growth without transformation will exacerbate inequality, lead to increasing social tensions, and provide fertile grounds for the rise of populism.
Transformation without growth will be accompanied by disinvestment, rising unemployment, and less wealth and assets to redistribute.
Decreased state revenue will lead to reduced fiscal redistribution (for example on social welfare). Simply put, without growth, transformation will make us poorer, without transformation, growth will exacerbate inequality which will make the growth itself unsustainable.
Key to this will be to deconcentrate ownership and cartel behaviour (both in private and state sectors), disincentivise rent-seeking, and reorient the finance sector to incentivise financial flows to the productive sector, and in particular firms that are investing and have competitive capabilities to grow and increase employment and exports.
At the centre of the new consensus for inclusive growth must be expanded redistribution that simultaneously grows investment, and supports growth and restructuring of the productive economy. BBBEE and land reform cannot simply be about ownership transfer, but must grow productive capacity (investment, output, jobs, exports etc).
Also key will be upscaled investment in human capability, as well as a range of innovative measures that address productivity constraints of firms and start-ups (access to technology, skills, costs of logistics, etc). Firms operating in underdeveloped spatial areas (former bantustans, townships etc) must be enabled to connect to productivity-enhancing inputs and networks. Productivity increases, over time, will also allow for higher wages, stimulating aggregate demand.
Such a consensus will not be easy to broker, given the vested interest in the current status quo. Visionary leadership capable of mobilising support across interests and sectors and managing spoilers is required to stand up. We have no choice.
References:
Acemoglu and Robinson (2000): “Why did the west extend the franchise? Democracy, inequality and growth in historical perspective”.
Alesina and Perotti (1995): “Income distribution, political instability and investment”
Alesina and Angeletos (2005): “Corruption, inequality and fairness”
Anderson, P (2011) “Lula’s Brazil” IRB
Jacob Assa (OECD, 2012): “Financialisation and its consequences: the OECD experience”
Deinger and Squire (1998): “New ways of looking at old issues: inequality and growth”
DeLong (2017): “Many secular stagnations” (http://www.bradford-delong.com/2017/01/three-four-many-secular-stagnations.html
Easterly (2001): “The middle class consensus and economic development”
Hausman, R (2015) “Redistribution or inclusion?”. Project Syndicate.
Lustig (2015): “Inequality and fiscal redistribution in middle income countries”
Orthofer (2016): “Wealth inequality: striking new insights from tax data”
Ostry et al (2014, IMF): “Redistribution, inequality and growth”
Palma (2014): “Why is inequality so unequal across the world?”
Peres W and Primi A (2007) Theory and Practice of Industrial Policy: Evidence from the Latin American Experience. ECLAC
Piketty (2014): “Capital in the 21st century”
SARS (2016): 2015 Tax Statistics
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Van der Walt (2015): “Beyond white monopoly capital”
********original article was posted by NEWS24 website
Mcebisi Jonas
2017-02-19 20:15
Mcebisi Jonas, deputy minister of Finance.
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Brokering a New Deal for SA
1. Introduction
A combination of external and internal factors will make the next few years difficult for South Africa to navigate. As highlighted at the 2017 World Economic Forum in Davos, a continued weak global economic outlook, rising global inequality, and the emergence of populism and economic nationalism (illustrated through Brexit and Trump), bring a number of risks for emerging economies such as South Africa’s which are highly dependent on external sources of capital and markets, and do not have the technology base to take advantage of the fourth industrial revolution.
Back home, the 1994 national consensus has reached its limit.
This bargain entailed a political and class compromise which (1) safe-guarded the interests of the existing (white) economic elite, (2) created a new black elite primarily through state employment and rents, (3) put in place a robust system of democratic accountability; (4) provided a more secure and regulated labour market for the organised working class, and (5) established a comprehensive system of fiscal redistribution for the poor (i.e. welfare).
There is no doubt that the 1994 consensus – especially the welfare spending component – brought significant social returns in reducing extreme poverty and vulnerability, and extending access to basic services. And there is also no question that our robust system of accountability and the democratic institutions we have established provide critical checks and balances to those entrusted with the means of state administration and coercion.
But we must accept that the 1994 consensus has become unviable and is unravelling. Sustained low rates of economic growth – more pronounced since 2008 and predicted to continue over the next few years – have limited the fiscal income that can be redistributed.
Inequality has not reduced, ownership of the economy remains highly concentrated, and higher economic returns continue to accrue to those already endowed with capital and skills. Our poor education and training outcomes haven’t helped, despite the not insignificant per capita spending on education.
The ambitious project of creating a developmental state to transform the apartheid economy has been hamstrung by the absence of the necessary coherence and capability, as well as patronage and corruption associated with rents controlled by the state.
Short termism and populism are on the rise, fed by the growing restlessness of our people who are not blind to the obscene inequality that abounds and who are losing hope in a future of shared prosperity.
We need a paradigm shift, underpinned by a new consensus – a new bargain around which the state, business, labour and civil society can cohere – to move us out of our low growth and high inequality trap. We must not be naïve and think this will be easy to achieve.
This paper examines our low growth-high inequality trap, and proposes a set of policy prescripts to escape the trap. The paper argues that these policy prescripts need to form the basis of a new social bargain, a contract for inclusive growth, which will serve to protect the economy from the worst risks of the current global turbulence, while putting a set of new measures in place to fire up the economy in a manner that more deliberately reduces inequality.
First, though, a conceptual framework is needed to better understand the causal determinants of growth and inequality traps, and what must be done to break these traps.
2. A conceptual framework to tackle growth and inequality traps
Four fundamental points about inequality and the economy need to be made to frame our approach to addressing inequality in South Africa.
High levels of inequality are bad for growth
For decades, mainstream economists tended to argue that there is a trade-off between economic equality and economic efficiency. Over the last decade or two, this view has been over-turned with a growing perspective that inequality is bad for growth (see for example Deininger and Squire, 1998 and Ostry, 2014).
Deininger and Squire’s study is particularly revealing for us here in South Africa in its finding that there is a strong negative correlation between inequality in asset distribution (proxied by land ownership) and growth. In their study, only two of the 15 developing countries sampled with a Gini coefficient for the distribution of land in excess of 70 managed to grow at more than 2.5% average over the 1960 to 1992 period. In the South African case, there can be no doubt that our extremely high levels of inherited asset inequality are bad for growth.
Even the International Monetary Fund is now in agreement that inequality is bad for growth. Researchers such as Ostry (2014) argue that inequality undermines growth, and that countries thaat have been able to achieve sustained levels of high growth generally have lower levels of inequality. Poverty traps in the lower quintiles of a population reduce aggregate demand, continued education inequalities limit the human capacity required for a rapidly growing economy, and high levels of asset and wealth inequalities cause investment-reducing political and economic instability, and undercut the social consensus required to adjust in the face of major shocks.
In recent discussions of the “secular stagnation” of western economies since the global financial crisis of 2008 several leading US economists (such as Stiglitz, Summers and DeLong) have argued that rising inequality is the primary cause of the present stagnation of Western economies (see, for example, DeLong, 2017).
In this they go back to the work of the popular English economist JA Hobson who argued that rising inequality would depress consumption demand and generate a surplus of savings (since the rich have a lower propensity to consume than the poor).
Real investment spending would also weaken in the face of stagnant consumer demand. (After spending time in South Africa during the war of 1899-1902 Hobson used this “under-consumptionist” argument to explain the economic basis of imperialism. This argument was later taken up by Lenin in his famous 1916 pamphlet on imperialism).
In addition to the depressing effects of inequality on aggregate demand, several other “channels” whereby inequality reduces growth have been confirmed, such as inequality causing political instability that reduces growth (see Alesina and Perotti, 1995); high inequality that weakens the middle class consensus which reduces growth (see Easterly, 2001); inequality fuelling corruption that is growth-reducing (see Alesina and Angeletos, 2005) and financialisation and its growth-reducing and inequality-increasing effects (see, for example, Assa, 2012).
Global financialisation is, of course, the dominant feature of the current neoliberal era. Financialisation refers both to the increasing relative size of the finance sector itself and the dominance of non-financial corporations by finance (and the consequent drive to maximise short-term shareholder value). Financialisation increases inequality through the high returns on financial capital, and through increasingly high salaries paid to senior employees (as detailed by Piketty). Financialisation also reduces growth by diverting capital from real productive investment (where low skill and middle skill jobs can be created) into speculative financial investment.
Growth, in itself, does not necessarily reduce inequality
Does growth reduce inequality? Much of the literature from the 1950’s was influenced by Kuznets’ hypothesis that inequality increases with income growth in the early stages of development and only decreases in the later stages. But the Kuznets hypothesis has now been discredited: the correlation between growth and changes in inequality is now seen to differ from country to country, depending on initial structural conditions and differing policy stances. In some countries growth has taken place with simultaneous inequality reduction (eg a number of South East Asian countries), while in others growth has been associated with rising inequality (a number of commodity-exporting African and middle-eastern countries).
Reviewing the literature, and by no means exhaustive, the key variables which determine the extent to which inequality will be reduced by growth include:
» The relative size of the fiscal redistribution package – in country cases where relatively high social wage expenditure exists, growth has an inequality reducing impact (through increased state revenue funding increased fiscal redistribution);
» Levels of education inequality – the higher the levels of education inequality, the less likely growth will be inequality reducing, with benefits disproportionately accruing to the better educated;
» The relative size of the middle class – countries with relatively smaller middle classes (less than 40% of income) and extreme wealth disparities between the elites and the poor tend to reproduce these extreme inequalities with growth;
» The employment-intensity of the growth – capital-intensive growth has tended to increase inequality, especially in country cases with high initial unemployment;
» The extent to which productivity growth accompanies economic growth, which enables wage-led inequality reduction;
» The extent to which the structure of capital is concentrated, with high levels of concentration often deepening inequality with growth;
» The extent of financialisation – in which the rates of return of capital in highly financialised capitalist economies, exceeds the rate of growth, increasing wealth and income inequalities (as elaborated by Piketty);
» The extent to which wealth is generated through rent-seeking, as opposed to value-adding productive activity; and
» The extent of corruption, with higher levels of corruption crowding out investment, reducing the fiscal redistribution package, and reducing state capacity to tackle inequality.
So in different countries, the combination of these variables influences the extent to which growth potentially benefits the poor and previously dispossessed. In the South African context, it is only really the country’s expansive fiscal redistribution programme that ensures that the poor will benefit from growth. All other variables – high capital concentration, financialisation, rent-seeking, capital intensity, the small middle class, and high education inequality – point to continued high levels of inequality, even when the economy grows.
Growth is still important for inequality reduction
But because growth, in itself, will not necessarily reduce inequality, this should not be taken to mean that growth is unimportant for inequality reduction. Growth both expands the fiscal resources available for redistribution as well as potentially expanding employment and business opportunities for the non-rich. So growth is a necessary, but not a sufficient condition for inequality reduction that simultaneously reduces levels of poverty.
Where redistribution happens in a stagnant economy, both the rich and poor are adversely affected. International comparative experience indicates that the redistribution of assets impacts most on the welfare of the poor when accompanied by increased aggregate investment. So in contexts where aggregate investment is in decline, even where inequality may be reduced, levels of poverty will also likely increase (as a result of reduced fiscal redistribution, rising unemployment etc).
Growth must be accompanied by economic transformation (inclusive growth)
Fiscal redistribution programmes (progressive taxation, health, education, welfare and housing) play a critical role in reducing extreme poverty, and do have an inequality-reducing impact. Similarly asset redistribution programmes (such as land reform), and regulatory measures (such as broad-based black economic empowerment), also have some inequality-reducing impact. But these impacts are minimal if the causal determinants of inequality – rooted in the structures of the economy – are not simultaneously transformed.
This point is picked up in the South African Communist Party’s “Going to the root. A radical second phase of the [national democratic revolution]” (2014), in which it is argued that South Africa’s redistribution programme over the past 20 years – as important as it has been – was not matched with measures to transform the systemic features of the country’s economy. This de-link between redistribution and production has undermined the impacts of redistribution both on inequality and growth.
Perry Anderson (2011), in his assessment of Lula’s Brazil, makes a similar argument. Despite the enormous successes (such as poverty reduction) associated with Lula’s extensive fiscal redistribution programmes and succession of minimum wage increases, Lula did not succeed in restructuring the economy to make it more inclusive. Instead, in ways that mirror South Africa, Lula’s fiscal redistribution triumphs were matched somewhat with industrial regression. Reflecting Brazil’s subordinate position in global technologically driven value chains, the last 20 years have seen a continuous shift away from value-adding industrial sectors towards the financial sector and resource-based extraction. Again, in ways similar to South Africa, this has created new vulnerabilities as weak commodities demand and fickle financial inflows now threaten the sustainability of Brazil’s fiscal redistribution package in the post-Lula conjuncture.
Policy focus should not be reduced – as a zero sum game – to redistributing existing assets as an end in its own right. Redistribution outcomes must be better linked to production outcomes to have sustained economic impact.
And redistribution measures – where they are most effective – must take a dynamic view of the economy, and where new assets and wealth are being (or can be) created. In this sense, redistribution measures should be a core component of industrial policy (redistributive industrial policy).
Similarly, redistribution measures must take account of the real factors that exclude the poor and previously dispossessed from accumulating wealth. This includes access to capital, productive assets (which includes land), skills, markets, and, in the context of the fourth industrial revolution – technology, that excludes the poor and previously dispossessed from the means to generate wealth.
It is this ownership of capital and technology, as well as access to markets, that perpetuates (and even exacerbates) class inequality as well as spatial inequality (between countries as well as regions within countries) associated with uneven development.
Policy responses to combat inequality therefore have to move beyond the usual approaches of fiscal redistribution and asset redistribution, to include measures that provide the poor and previously dispossessed with access to productivity enhancing capital, skills, technology and markets.
This becomes the core business of the developmental state, which must continually seek ways to create wealth (through investment and growth) but at the same time offset the tendencies towards concentration and rising inequality.
3. Understanding the low growth high inequality trap in South Africa
Twenty two years after democracy, South Africa remains with obscene levels of inequality:
» The wealthiest 10% of the population own more than 90% of all wealth and more than 55% of income;
» The next 40% of the population – the group that is often considered to be the middle class – earn about 30% to 35% (less than 50% generally elsewhere) of all income, but less than 10% of the wealth; and
» The poorest 50% of the population, who earn about 10% of all income, own little- to- no measurable wealth.
There is no doubt that South Africa’s massive inherited asset and wealth inequality is a major impediment to growth. In this sense, high inequality and low growth co-exist in a vicious cycle, each reinforcing the other.
South Africa’s extraordinarily high levels of inequality have their roots in the colonial crimes of conquest, dispossession and apartheid oppression, which currently explains the close correlation between class and race inequality.
Since 1994, South Africa has implemented what is the largest welfare programme in Africa, with relatively higher rates of fiscal redistribution than countries like Brazil, Chile, Columbia, Indonesia and Mexico. We have also redistributed assets (primarily land) although not in a manner that has dented asset inequality, and have adopted a range of regulatory measures aimed at addressing race inequality (such as affirmative action, preferential procurement and Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment).
But inequality remains, and in all likelihood is rising. This is because inequality is rooted and reproduced in the structure of the economy, which we need to understand if we are to transform.
Historically white monopoly capital played a core role in reproducing South Africa’s highly unequal economy (built around the minerals-energy-complex). In the mid-1980s, some 83% of JSE shares were owned by four giant companies, all owned by white South Africans, who controlled economic activity in mining, finance, the industrial sector, agri-business and retail.
Today, nine of the 10 richest South Africans are still white men, but to say that the structure of capital has remained unchanged misses some core tendencies associated with the globalisation of the past few decades (see for example van der Walt, 2016, who in spite of his anarchistic leanings provides some useful analysis on the structure of South African capital).
These tendencies include:
» First, our large conglomerates have unbundled (Anglo for example now has a mostly mining focus and has shed holdings in other sectors). This has contributed directly to manufacturing disinvestment and loss of capability in key value chains.
» Second, some of the largest segments of white monopoly capital have globalised, with primary share listings in foreign stock exchanges, and massive interests and investments elsewhere in the world (far surpassing their interests in South Africa). The reality is that much of our big capital is less patriotic and more mobile than we think, which has enormous implications for how we engage capital to retain and expand current investment.
» Third, as an upshot of the same liberalised capital controls that allowed our large conglomerates to export capital and list abroad, private capital in our economy is now significantly foreign owned (just under 40% of JSE capitalisation and 50% of the JSE top 40 is foreign owned). As a related matter, much of our government debt (approximately 40%) is also financed through foreign savings (which is why we take our investment status and related costs of borrowing seriously).
» Fourth, in line with global trends since the 1980s, capital in South Africa has increasingly financialised. The finance, real estate and business services sector now accounts for 20% of GDP, and a startling 53% of PAYE payments in 2014-2015, indicating the very high wages in this high skills sector (the second largest sector PAYE payments contributor is Government at 19%). The financialisation of capital in South Africa has directly fuelled income inequality, and has redirected capital away from productive investment (where low and semi-skilled jobs could have been created). Financialised capital is also more mobile, and easier to disinvest.
»Fifth, SA’s increased integration with global finance capital has also fuelled inequality through increasing share prices on the JSE; circumscribed policy options to deal with inequality (because of risks of capital flight), and increased our exposure to global financial shocks.
» Finally, the over-simplification of reducing our capital structure to white monopoly capital draws attention away from the by no means insignificant role of state capital in the South African economy – owning and controlling approximately 30% of the economy in highly strategic sectors such as state banking, information technology, energy, transport, aerospace and the weapons industry, communication, among others. In addition the state owns about 25% of land, and has an array of regulatory and administrative apparatus to influence the behaviour of capital. There is also the question of pension funds and union investment funds, which currently play and could be geared to play an even more strategic role in the economy.
So what are the implications of this understanding for growth and transformation?
» Many of the challenges we face are not peculiar to South Africa (although more negatively impacted because of high initial conditions of inequality and unemployment). Globally, foreign-based big capital is driven by short term shareholder maximisation, and ownership traded in highly liquid markets. This seriously limits our ability to draw this capital into a national development project.
» This does not mean that we cannot leverage any big capital. Capital has different degrees of mobility depending on, for example, their dependence on a fixed resource and investment in fixed capital. This is important to recognise as part of the project of developing patriotic capital.
» Much of the big capital that is referred to as monopoly capital operates in highly competitive global markets (through which we derive important export benefits).
» There is still rampant monopolisation in some domestic markets, eg. processed food, financial services, construction, private healthcare, as well as state markets (such as ports and electricity). Here institutions such as the Competition Commission need to be given teeth and resources.
» A significant component of new growth and employment will come from small and medium sized firms (not big capital). The focus should not be only on the restructuring of big capital as part of our transformation programme.
» Transformation should not be reduced to black rent-seeking replacing white rent seeking. Economic transformation cannot be reduced to simply increasing black ownership of the large JSE-listed corporations and the corresponding reduction of South African white and foreign ownership. Even if this could be accomplished without disruptions (such as capital flight), it will not reduce overall inequality in the economy. What is required is fundamental restructuring of the economy, in which rent-seeking is incrementally replaced by the development of new productive capabilities in which the previously disposed have a correspondingly high share.
4. The global response
South Africa is far from unique in being stuck in an high inequality-low growth trap, but because of our extreme inequality and political realities the trap is even more glaring and relevant here than elsewhere.
A recent paper on “Restarting the global economy” (Michael Spence et al, 2015) argues that “there is a strong argument that current trends (of rising income inequality) will be detrimental to both the demand and supply sides of economic growth, indeed a drag on future growth. In many countries this implies that “new deals” in political economy terms need to be discussed”.
Spence et al argue that three sets of actions are necessary to restart the global economy:
» A coordinated global fiscal stimulus to aggregate demand (as done by G20 in 2008-09)
» Channel exorbitantly large pools of global liquidity into infrastructure for a rapidly urbanising world, using multilateral risk mitigation methods.
» Mechanisms to ensure wider and intergenerational sharing of the benefits of future technological advances and global integration (such as better quality education for low-income households).
The global growth model of 1980 to 2007 (often referred to as neo-liberalism), based on globalisation, liberalisation of trade and capital flows, financial sector deregulation, monetarism and fiscal austerity, has stopped generating inclusive economic growth. The main global outcomes now are rising inequality, financialisation, deindustrialisation, stagnant household incomes and increasing social discontent. This is now increasingly recognised, even by the enforcers of this global growth model themselves (the IMF).
But just as the multi-lateral institutions increasingly acknowledge that inequality must be addressed, we are witnessing a resurgence of populist and nationalist economic politics (such as Brexit and Trump), which will make coordinated multilateral responses (as proposed by Spence et al) more unlikely. The new international politics also create real risks of reduced access to markets, capital and technology for emerging markets such as South Africa.
This unfavourable global development outlook means that a country like South Africa needs to be especially astute and focused to negotiate the turbulent times ahead. South Africa is worryingly vulnerable in the current conjuncture, given its high levels of dependency on foreign commodity markets and foreign portfolio inflows.
5. A new consensus for inclusive growth
This co-incidence of unfavourable global conditions and the growing recognition that we are stuck in a high inequality-low growth trap, implies that we urgently construct a new consensus to transform the economy towards more equal and higher growth.
It is proposed that this new consensus cultivate three new national obsessions around which a critical mass in society – within the state, higher education sector, business sector both established and new, labour and civil society (including the media) – can be mobilised behind supporting a number of policy choices that rapidly transition the economy out of its low growth and high inequality trajectory. These three national obsessions, cascaded down to community level, and built on dialogue and strategic trade-offs, should form the basis of the new consensus for growth with transformation.
The new consensus for inclusive growth is built on the understanding, anchored in the conceptual framework in section 2 above, that economic growth without transformation will reproduce and exacerbate inequalities which in itself will make this growth unsustainable; and transformation without growth, will lead to less investment, jobs and wealth to redistribute, which in itself will likewise trigger elite conflict, making any consensus impossible to manage. The essence of the three national obsessions which make up the new consensus are drawn in the main from existing policy frameworks such as the NDP, NGP, IPAP, our 9-point plan etc (we are not short of good plans), but with new points of emphasis, synergy, and governance arrangements.
5.1 A national obsession with inclusive growth, based on fostering new logistics and technological capabilities that will grow employment, incomes and exports.
South Africa remains locked-in to a capital intensive, energy intensive, and highly financialised historic growth path that (a) reproduces self- serving rent-seeking by the old white, foreign owned and new black rentier classes (b) is too dependent on financial inflows and commodity booms, making the economy extremely vulnerable to global shocks; (c) creates very little new wealth in the productive economy; and (d) excludes large numbers of South Africans from participating eithers as owners of capital or as employees.
The economy is long overdue for transformation and reform. Most economic players would agree on this – the point of debate being what exactly should change, and how should this be achieved?
Two elements of inclusive growth must be unlocked.
(1) Firstly, we need as a matter of urgency to more deliberately diversify the economy away from “fickle capital inflows and commodity booms” (to quote Rodrik, 2015), through identifying new sectors and industries in which we could be competitive, leverage investment, and rapidly grow output and jobs.
The selection of key sectors and industries should be made in collaboration with the private sector on the basis of several criteria, including:
» Existing size (select larger sectors to ensure meaningful impact);
» Lower barriers to entry for new start-ups;
» Growth potential (again for greater impact);
» Labour intensity;
» Export and import-substituting intensity (because of the current account imbalance); and
» Potential competitiveness that can be unlocked (it is pointless to focus on industries in which we are not or cannot be competitive).
Provisionally, and not precluding what will emerge with the intensive consultative engagement which must happen with the private sector, the following sectors and industries have been identified:
» The mining and energy sector (including downstream industries, renewables and gas);
» The infrastructure value chain (leveraging off Africa’s big build programme, and through accelerating the crowding-in of private investment into jointly financed economic infrastructure);
» The ocean economy value chain (including aquaculture, off-shore bunkering, ship building and repair);
» The agriculture value chain (particularly export-intensive and labour-intensive horticulture);
» Advanced export manufacturing (anchored in local supply chains, new technological capabilities, and new logistics capabilities);
» Light manufacturing, including the clothing and footwear industry, both for export and domestic consumption; and
» International tourism (including health tourism), leveraging off our exchange rate advantage.
The approach should be to identify and resolve broader constraints to competitiveness and investment (costs and reliable supply of electricity, port-handling and other logistics costs, costs of broadband etc), as well as specific obstacles to growth and investment in the seven sectors and industries identified above (skills, regulations, infrastructure, finance etc). These should be identified and resolved in collaboration with the private sector in each area. New investment incentives (with the necessary fiscal instruments) should be developed to unlock investment flows. In addition, a new obsession with R&D and technology development and application must be nurtured, working with our HEIs, DST and the science councils. The necessary fiscal instruments for this must be developed with urgency. The finance sector (including pension funds) needs to be intensely engaged to redirect new resources for productive capital expansion, including venture capital for technology development and start-ups. Key to this could be more effective use of instruments such as directed finance and prescribed assets.
(2) Secondly, we need a fresh approach and set of practical measures to combat exclusion. Following Hausman (2015), our approach to inclusivity must move beyond just regulating inclusion (BBBEE etc) and focusing on state sector markets (preferential procurement etc), towards addressing the actual productivity constraints faced by new entrant firms and start-ups owned by the previously dispossessed. Here the state (working with existing corporates) needs to level the playing fields by connecting these start-ups with productivity-enhancing inputs and networks. This includes (a) access to capital (through DFIs, venture capital funds, investment partnerships with established players etc), (b) access to technology (through innovation and technology parks, incubators, technology transfer incentives with established players); (c) access to efficient and cost effective logistics and ICT connectivity (including free wi-fi); (d) access to cost-effective inputs (supplies, including technical skills); (e) access to ongoing business support and mentoring; and (f) access to markets (export support, off-takes, competition reform). Importantly, these support measures can’t be random and generalised, but must be specifically tailored to opportunities in identified and prioritised sectors and industries. The established private sector, which could act either as an enabler or a player that constrains barriers to entry, must be engaged and reoriented through a set of appropriate incentives and sanctions. This will be at the heart of the industry level compacts that need to be negotiated as part of the consensus for inclusive growth.
5.2 A national obsession with constructing a state that is stronger, more capable and less corrupt.
The second national obsession we need to cultivate as part of the new consensus for inclusive growth relates to state capability and orientation.
To start, this must of necessity include inculcating renewed leadership vigour across political formations as well as business, labour and civil society to fix the economy. Without a new vision of where we are going, without a new model of economic governance, and the necessary coherence, co-ordinating capacity, and accountability, the new consensus that is being proposed will be still born.
The difficulties of implementing effective policy are clearly set out in “Theory and Practice of Industrial Policy: Evidence from the Latin American Experience” (Wilson Peres, 2007). Peres argues that elaborate policies are often barely implemented, due to the lack of political will and insufficient attention to translating policy intent into specific instruments, as well as institutional capacity and budgetary resources. Our record of executing policy and plans, especially over terms of government, suggests much room for improvement. Key to this will be to put more emphasis on execution planning, project management, risk management, monitoring and escalation (to address bottlenecks).
Our emphasis on strengthening policy execution should not be taken to mean that theory and strategic reflection is no longer important. This can lead to dangerous tendencies of anti-intellectualism, often associated with the rise of populism. Without theory and strategy, our practice runs the risk of being misdirected and not focused on addressing the causal determinants of low growth and high inequality. What it needed is for theory to always find expression in praxis – in this case in practical and scalable interventions which can simultaneously rebuild investment confidence while addressing economic exclusion. This is at the heart of the industry level compacts that need to be assembled and enabled.
Specific state reforms required for the implementation of this new consensus proposed policy package to drive private sector growth and employment could include the following:
» Continuing with fiscal consolidation and strict management of macro-economic risks which threaten national sovereignty. This includes the continued imposition of tighter fiscal expenditure ceilings and deficit targets; cost containment measures that do not effect service delivery; and far stricter controls over cost of employees (including its reduction as a share of budget over the medium term). Importantly, this must be seen as a national priority, and championed beyond Treasury.
» More decisive management of our state-owned companies (Eskom, SAA, Transnet, post office etc), both to limit contingent liability risks and to reorient towards better serving the national economic agenda (as elaborated in this new consensus for inclusive growth). Here we need to move away from overly ideological positions which are at times being used to serve and protect rent-seeking interests (masquerading as some kind of redistributive outcome), towards pragmatic solutions to particular problems. State intervention and ownership is highly necessary to correct market failure, and rebalance the playing fields towards the previously dispossessed. But we need to be alert to state failure, and cognisant of the veiled interests that underpin some state decision-making. Where SOCs are using their monopoly positions in value chains to crowd out private investment and reinforce uncompetitive pricing, we need to take the same approach as with private cartels. The much needed unbundling of Eskom is a case in point.
» Addressing the current account deficit through targeted export support (industrial support should be more focused on export industries: SEZ incentives, infrastructure, training, R&D etc); addressing transfer pricing issues (particularly of the mining companies); and imposing higher taxes on luxury imports
» Strengthened state capabilities in critical areas such as industrial policy implementation, public investment structuring, transaction and project management, finance sector restructuring, among others
» Sustained and increased public investment to promote growth and industrial diversification, while being much more rigorous in the selection, design and implementation of public investment projects to support economic development. Specifically we need to develop a public investment pipeline that:
• Maximises support to employment creation and export industries
• Is competitively priced (international bench-marking and control of cost overruns)
• Offers the most scope for crowding-in private investment.
• Abandons or cancels investments that do not fit the bill
» Budget baselines need to be revisited to redirect fiscal resources to grow the productive economy. New fiscal and tax instruments need to be developed to enable this.
5.3 A national obsession with improving the quality of public education and training, to achieve the first two.
Good quality basic education is both a development goal itself and a crucial ingredient of economic development. Good quality basic education is crucial to the supply of skills necessary to run a modern, complex, competitive and expanding industrial economy.
Basic education (numeracy, literacy, and other cognitive skills) are essential to vocational skilling. A broken education/skills pipeline (with resulting scarce skills) has four major consequences:
» First, high income returns to skills exacerbates income inequality
» Second, high returns to skills reduces competitiveness with countries that do not suffer from scarce skills
» Third, shortages of skilled workers are a constraint on sustainable industrialisation
» Fourth, the shortage of skilled workers reduces the effectiveness of government bureaucracies
The Education/Skills pipeline in South Africa is broken and needs to be fixed as a central component of the new consensus for inclusive growth. The system directly reproduces social inequality through streaming learners from poor rural and township schools (and TVET colleges) towards unemployment, while streaming the children of elites towards highly paid professional and technical vocations.
Despite the relatively high fiscal allocations to the sector, our basic education system has very poor learner outcomes by international comparison (in literacy, numeracy, problem solving and especially maths and science). This requires a new national obsession with fixing our broken education and skills pipeline. Core elements include:
» Increasing resources to Early Childhood development which is critical to cognitive development;
» Strengthening school performance monitoring and accountability;
» Competency testing of school principals and teachers;
» Importing maths and science teachers as necessary;
» A vigorous programme for teacher re-training and development;
» Empowering parents and communities to hold schools accountable for learner performance ;
» Radically improving the management of the basic education system (eradicate inefficiencies in scholar transport, nutrition support, learner materials, infrastructure, teacher deployment etc);
» Revisit the 2011 Basic Education Accord (2011) to assess progress and confirm priorities and commitments;
» Revisit the 2011 National Skills Accord (July 2011) to assess artisan and internship take-up by private sector and state entities;
» Reconfigure the post-schooling vocation system to align the TVETs and SETAs to industry skills requirements; and
» Providing free higher education to those who cannot afford it, and foregrounding the restructuring of the HE sector in a more dynamic understanding of the future economy.
6. Conclusion
This paper has attempted to provide some insights into South Africa’s low growth and high inequality trap. Globally we are entering a period of uncertainty with the rise of populism and economic nationalism. At home, our 1994 consensus has run its course, and needs to be refreshed with a new consensus that has immediate and practical application. Unemployment is stubbornly high, and growth is stagnant, threatening to limit the existing fiscal redistribution programme of government. Inequality has not reduced. Inequality reducing measures of government, including fiscal redistribution, regulatory interventions such as BBBEE, and asset redistribution (land reform) have had marginal impact on inequality. This is because inequality is rooted in the structure and functioning of the economy, meaning that we can only really address inequality through radical economic reform. Learning from the experience of Brazil and South Africa itself over the past 22 years, growth (and related fiscal redistribution) without transforming the structure of the economy, will not significantly reduce inequality.
Importantly, the paper argued that the current conjuncture is not about a choice between transformation or growth. Instead, we need growth with transformation (referred to in the paper as inclusive growth).
Growth without transformation will exacerbate inequality, lead to increasing social tensions, and provide fertile grounds for the rise of populism.
Transformation without growth will be accompanied by disinvestment, rising unemployment, and less wealth and assets to redistribute.
Decreased state revenue will lead to reduced fiscal redistribution (for example on social welfare). Simply put, without growth, transformation will make us poorer, without transformation, growth will exacerbate inequality which will make the growth itself unsustainable.
Key to this will be to deconcentrate ownership and cartel behaviour (both in private and state sectors), disincentivise rent-seeking, and reorient the finance sector to incentivise financial flows to the productive sector, and in particular firms that are investing and have competitive capabilities to grow and increase employment and exports.
At the centre of the new consensus for inclusive growth must be expanded redistribution that simultaneously grows investment, and supports growth and restructuring of the productive economy. BBBEE and land reform cannot simply be about ownership transfer, but must grow productive capacity (investment, output, jobs, exports etc).
Also key will be upscaled investment in human capability, as well as a range of innovative measures that address productivity constraints of firms and start-ups (access to technology, skills, costs of logistics, etc). Firms operating in underdeveloped spatial areas (former bantustans, townships etc) must be enabled to connect to productivity-enhancing inputs and networks. Productivity increases, over time, will also allow for higher wages, stimulating aggregate demand.
Such a consensus will not be easy to broker, given the vested interest in the current status quo. Visionary leadership capable of mobilising support across interests and sectors and managing spoilers is required to stand up. We have no choice.
References:
Acemoglu and Robinson (2000): “Why did the west extend the franchise? Democracy, inequality and growth in historical perspective”.
Alesina and Perotti (1995): “Income distribution, political instability and investment”
Alesina and Angeletos (2005): “Corruption, inequality and fairness”
Anderson, P (2011) “Lula’s Brazil” IRB
Jacob Assa (OECD, 2012): “Financialisation and its consequences: the OECD experience”
Deinger and Squire (1998): “New ways of looking at old issues: inequality and growth”
DeLong (2017): “Many secular stagnations” (http://www.bradford-delong.com/2017/01/three-four-many-secular-stagnations.html
Easterly (2001): “The middle class consensus and economic development”
Hausman, R (2015) “Redistribution or inclusion?”. Project Syndicate.
Lustig (2015): “Inequality and fiscal redistribution in middle income countries”
Orthofer (2016): “Wealth inequality: striking new insights from tax data”
Ostry et al (2014, IMF): “Redistribution, inequality and growth”
Palma (2014): “Why is inequality so unequal across the world?”
Peres W and Primi A (2007) Theory and Practice of Industrial Policy: Evidence from the Latin American Experience. ECLAC
Piketty (2014): “Capital in the 21st century”
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Van der Walt (2015): “Beyond white monopoly capital”
********original article was posted by NEWS24 website
Sunday, 9 October 2016
I am kanga - by "Khwezi" R.I.P
In memory of Fezekile Ntsukela Kuzwayo, the daughter of a late freedom fighter Judson Kuzwayo who died in exile.
I am Khanga
I wrap myself around the curvaceous bodies of women all over Africa
I am the perfect nightdress on those hot African nights
The ideal attire for household chores
I secure babies happily on their mother’s backs
Am the perfect gift for new bride and new mother alike
Armed with proverbs, I am vehicle for communication between women
I exist for the comfort and convenience of a woman
But no no no make no mistake …
I am not here to please a man
And I certainly am not a seductress
Please don’t use me as an excuse to rape
Don’t hide behind me when you choose to abuse
You see
That’s what he said my Malume
The man who called himself my daddy’s best friend
Shared a cell with him on [Robben] Island for ten whole years
He said I wanted it
That my khanga said it
That with it I lured him to my bed
That with it I want you is what I said
But what about the NO I uttered with my mouth
Not once but twice
And the please no I said with my body
What about the tear that ran down my face as I lay stiff with shock
In what sick world is that sex
In what sick world is that consent
The same world where the rapist becomes the victim
The same world where I become the bitch that must burn
The same world where I am forced into exile because I spoke out?
This is NOT my world
I reject that world
My world is a world where fathers protect and don’t rape
My world is a world where a woman can speak out
Without fear for her safety
My world is a world where no one , but no one is above the law
My world is a world where sex is pleasurable not painful
Sunday, 25 September 2016
I, Too - By Langston Hughes
I, Too
By Langston Hughes
I, too, sing America.
I am the darker brother.
They send me to eat in the kitchen
When company comes,
But I laugh,
And eat well,
And grow strong.
Tomorrow,
I’ll be at the table
When company comes.
Nobody’ll dare
Say to me,
“Eat in the kitchen,”
Then.
Besides,
They’ll see how beautiful I am
And be ashamed—
I, too, am America.
Langston Hughes, “I, Too” from Collected Poems. Copyright © 1994 by The Estate of Langston Hughes. Reprinted with the permission of Harold Ober Associates Incorporated.
Source: The Collected Poems of Langston Hughes (Vintage Books, 2004)
Friday, 9 September 2016
Buttercup View: The Five Laws of Gold (money)
Buttercup View: The Five Laws of Gold (money): One of the stories central to The Richest Man in Babylon is the tale of the five laws of gold, a five-point philosophy handed down to later ...
Monday, 5 September 2016
Defend and Nationalize State Owned Enterprises, Fire Pravin Gordhan! - By Zanele Lwana and Lindsay Maasdorp
Defend and Nationalize State Owned Enterprises, Fire Pravin Gordhan!
Posted in News Posted on September 1, 2016
By Zanele Lwana and Lindsay Maasdorp
Black First Land First (BLF) is convinced that the Minister of Finance Pravin Gordhan is both compromised and conflicted to the extent that he is reduced to an agent of white monopoly capital. This week Black Opinion revealed that Gordhan has shares in multiple businesses. This would be no problem if these companies that pay the Minister of Finance a dividend were not the same group of businesses that forced the ANC to hire Gordhan as Minister of Finance. Shareholding is not a problem in itself in a capitalist economy but it becomes a conflict of interest when companies where a minister has shares demands that their fellow shareholder becomes a Minister in the area these companies have direct interests in.
The current crisis and factional battles over state owned enterprises (SOEs) are part of the ongoing “state capture” by white capital. Black First Land First (BLF) has opened a criminal case against a number of white capitalists including Johann Rupert for contravening section 4 of the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities, 2004 (Act No. 12 of 2004). This case is essentially one of corruption and is currently being investigated by the HAWKS. BLF has also lodged a complaint with the Public Protector (PP) of “state capture” by the same white capitalists including Johann Rupert. BLF has moreover presented both the HAWKS and the PP with evidence that shows that these white capitalists including Johann Rupert have illegally interfered with the duties of the President to appoint ministers in terms of the Constitution which they claim to uphold. The shocking fact is that Pravin has shares in the following companies which are accused of having conducted “state capture”:
1. Barclays Africa Group Chief Executive Officer, Maria Ramos;
2. Goldman Sachs’ South Africa head Colin Coleman;
3. Investec Bank’s global CEO, Stephen Koseff;
4. Imperial Holdings’ CEO, Mark Lamberti;
5. Sanlam CEO Ian Kirk;
6. Business Leadership South Africa chairperson Bobby Godsell;
7. Toyota Europe CEO Johan van Zyl and
8. First Rand CEO Johan Burger
Furthmore, Gordhan has shares in Remgro, a company owned by Johann Rupert who is one of the businessmen being investigated by the HAWKS for state capture in relation to the hiring of the same Gordhan as Minister of Finance. Moreover, Rupert is accused of being one of the white business people who stole R26 billion from the South African Reserve Bank (SARB). How is the minister going to investigate a company where he has shares? Remgro is a direct beneficiary of the theft from SARB which is under the control of Gordhan. BLF has written letters to the Treasury and to date we have received no response. This is because Treasury has been turned into an arm of white capital to protect white corruption and to loot state assets. Gordhan is in business with Johann Rupert who in turn is accused of stealing from the ministery under Gordhan. This is how the mafia operates. Gordhan shall never persue white capital.
It also came to the attention of BLF that Pravin Gordhan is benefiting directly through shareholding in British American Tobbaco (BAT). This company is involved in massive criminality. BAT is accused of using SARS and the South African Police to engage in a shocking list of criminal activities against citizens and its perceived competitors. This is over and above making profits from poisoning the lungs of smokers. As if this is not enough BAT has been involved in international criminal activities for profits which goes back to Gordhan as a dividend. As to why Gordhan has maintained a relationship with a rogue business is a mystery to many people who have a sense of justice.
A local publication has reported that, “(t)he allegations of BAT illicit behaviour in South Africa follow claims of bribery that have been passed on to the UK’s Serious Fraud Office by Paul Hopkins, a BAT whistle-blower who worked in Africa for BAT for 13 years. Hopkins, who was responsible for halting the illicit tobacco trade in east and central Africa, admitted he had facilitated payments on BAT’s account to cripple anti-smoking laws in several east African countries, had made payments to officials to undermine efforts by the World Health Organisation to reduce deaths from smoking, ran a corporate spying operation, and had conducted “black ops” to put rivals out of business. In 2014 BAT declared an operating income of £4,546-billion”. This is a company that Pravin Gordhan has shares in and from which he gets paid a dividend. This alone should be reason enough for Gordhan to leave office.
And then there is the SARS rogue unit saga. The media is playing down and misleading the public about the huge body of evidence against Gordhan. Four investigations have found that there was an illegally established spying unit or the so called “rogue unit” at SARS. The media has, instead of informing the public accordingly, actually chosen to attack the investigations. First was the investigation by Advocate Kanyane, followed by an investigation by Advocate Muzi Sikhakhane, then another investigation by the SARS Advisory Board headed by Judge Frank Kroon and lastly there was one by KPMG.
Sikhakhane and Kroon found that the “rogue unit” was unlawfully established. Their findings have been corroborated by the KPMG investigation. This may explain why Pravin Gordhan is running away from the law by hiding behind white monopoly capital which has hired him to look after its interests.
The “Rogue Unit” was used to illegally spy on citizens and state organs fighting crime. The “Rogue unit” was another instrument used by SARS under Gordhan to strengthen the hand of white capital.
The current battles between Treasury (which is totally captured by white capital through Gordhan whom they have forced the ANC to appoint) and ESKOM which is ran by patriots like Brian Molele and Dr Ngubane is about safeguarding the interests of white capital. White monopoly capital is angry that under Ngubane and Molefe black business has been transacting more with ESKOM. The target of white capital thus far has been the Gupta family which after buying a subsidiary of the Swiss conglomerate, Optimum Coal, has been able to secure only about 5% coal supply to Eskom. The question not asked is, who supplies the rest of the coal needs of ESKOM? White capital is protecting its hegemony and using Treasury as its army to fight its battles. Gordhan was appointed at the behest of these white capitalists who now are served by Treasury.
BLF supports the call made by Mzwanele Manyi of the Decolonisation Foundation for the investigation into the shocking R100 billion ballooning of the costs of power stations. BLF also supports the case against the current PP who has not investigated matters brought before her without fear or favour as required by law. BLF members were last month arrested for demanding a meeting to get feedback for the four years old and stagnated investigation into the R26 billion stolen by white capital. BLF also saw how the PP was doing everything possible to raise funds to investigate the bizarre claims by the DA of state capture by the Guptas but did nothing on the complaint of state capture by whites lodged by BLF.
BLF calls on the State President to show leadership, to defend our national sovereignty by nationalization of the State Owned Enterprises so that they serve the people. Free electricity and access to telecommunication is not a favour but a right.
BLF notes with grave concern the interference of the US imperialist forces in South Africa. The call by the American Chamber of Commerce to the public and Members of the Parliament to defend Gordhan, is a call for a coup and must be resisted and rejected. If Gordhan was not an agent of imperialism, he would have distanced himself from such blatant imperialist arrogance. BLF says; “Down with American Imperialism”.
BLF is aware that western imperialism has already created both an economic and political crisis in Brazil to remove the pro BRICS democratically elected President Dilma Rousseff. They now want to repeat the same situation in SA.
BLF calls for the removal of Pravin Gordhan from office with immediate effect and for the nationalisaiton of the SOE as the best defense mechanism for safeguarding them.
Zanele Lwana and Lindsay Maasdorp are both BLF Spokespersons
http://blackopinion.co.za/2016/09/01/defend-nationalize-state-owned-enterprises-fire-pravin-gordhan/
The core story behind # GordhanvsHawks - by Yamkela Spengane
SIPHO PITYANA IS A GRANDSTANDER OF A FACTION OF THE ANC THAT IS IN THE POCKET OF WHITE MONOPOLY CAPITAL
Yamkela Spengane
27 August 2016
So everyone is carrying on about the bravery of the Sipho Pityana for calling out the "moral decay" of the ANC and saying Jacob Zuma should resign at Makhenkesi Stofile's funeral on Thursday. I also then took time to listen.
He spoke of how the party ceded moral high ground, which I don't know existed when, to its opposition because of Jacob Zuma. Reiterating the false narrative that Jacob Zuma is the source of corruption in the ANC and prior to him becoming its president, it was some "glorious" movement. Nothing could be further from the truth... so I am taking it upon myself to clarify issues for those who might be deceived.
1. THE CORRUPTION OF THE ANC PREDATES CODESA - NEVER MIND JACOB ZUMA'S PRESIDENCY
To trace blatant corruption in the ANC, you have to go back decades before CODESA when they sold out the people in writing and officially. Let's take this example: In exile many of the ANC top brass were engaging in corruption of donated money to fund activities of the ANC including MK, and they were beyond reproach. Joe Modise, who was head of MK was known for driving fancy cars and using 5 star hotels to a point where even Kenneth Kaunda complained as to how was it possible that he could drive fancier cars than even Ministers in Zambia. Ask Kenneth Kaunda, he is still alive.
In Quattro, Angola for instance, over 30 000 people who were part of the MK got executed by the MK itself. Most for raising issues against the high command of the MK who were looting funds while the people in the camps lacked even the most basic supplies. Torture too was a daily thing and many have spoken of this, and at one point war broke out against two camps where heavy numbers were lost and Chris Hani had to go and intervene (after Chris Hani almost got executed himself previously by a sentence passed by Joe Modise). The money that was supposed to fund an armed struggle was being misused through corruption by ANC top brass living lavishly away from apartheid South Africa, meanwhile the ordinary black people they claimed to be fighting for had been left fighting apartheid police bullets with stones and steel dustbin lids in the townships, they had taken it upon themselves to take apartheid head on because there wasn't going to be any rescue. Still wondering how Soweto Uprising happened?
But these are the things you never hear about, the ANC has suppressed them into the dungeons of forgotten history like another horrendous issue of the normalised abuse and rape of women in MK camps, a no-go area...
Joe Modise went to further sell MK arms without consulting official channels, an official investigation by Chris Hani who was now Chief of Staff of MK led to Modise's door. Unfortunately Chris Hani died two weeks before the hearing scheduled for Joe Modise to account for having sold MK arms. Joe Modise went on to become the first minister of defence in 1994 and would be the one to lead the formation of the SANDF that retained high military positions for all those SADF white soldiers while blacks were told they lack experience.
We could go back to the decades before, and how the leadership of the ANC has from the late 1940s been blatantly in the pockets of the Jews of the Communist Party who financed most activities. Like Arthur Goldreich and Harold Wolpe were the ones that bought Liliesleaf farm, that was to be the first headquarters of MK. Like it was Joe Slovo who was the first head of MK. Like Lionel Bernstein wrote the Freedom Charter. Like Jews were the legal counsel in cases of ANC leaders, a big example being Arthur Chaskalson and Joel Joffe who were two of the three defence lawyers in the Rivonia trial and were Jewish. Arthur Chaskalson later became the first Chief Justice post 1994. Even the head prosecutor of the Rivonia trial, Percy Yutar, was Jewish and he admitted in 1988 he changed the charge of treason to sabotage so the death penalty could be off the cards. Want to know where the Communist Party Jews got money from? None other than the Oppenheimers and co. This is why CODESA was hosted initially an Oppenheimer golf estate, oh and the Oppenheimers are of Jewish descent, and were funded into power by Nathan Rothschild who funded Cecil John Rhodes's conquest to Africa and the formation of De Beers that became part of the Oppenheimers's Anglo American.
Two weeks before his release from prison, these were Nelson Mandela's words: “The nationalization of the mines, banks, and monopoly industries is the policy of the ANC, and the change or modification of our views in this regard is inconceivable. Black economic empowerment is a goal we fully support and encourage, but in our situation state control of certain sectors of the economy is unavoidable.” Those words were just rhetoric, the memorandum that had been orchestrated all along when the Jews wrote the Freedom Charter in 1955 was enforced that the selling out was definitely going to happen, and he completely changed tune and denied everything he had said later on. In his first post-election interview as president Mandela stated: “In our economic policies . . . there is not a single reference to things like nationalization, and this is not accidental . . .”
Following the 1994 election in which Mandela was elected president, the ANC submitted its economic program to Oppenheimer “for approval.” It was Jews that were tasked with strategic positions of state capture in Mandela's cabinet, the ministry of finance given to Gill Marcus in 1994 as Deputy Minister, whose biggest task was privatising the South African Reserve Bank - effectively handing away the country's monetary policy to white private hands. These are the outlines of the functions of SARB:
> Formulating and implementing monetary policy;
> Issuing banknotes and coin;
> Supervising the banking system;
> Ensuring the effective functioning of the national payment system (NPS);
> Managing official gold and foreign-exchange reserves;
> Acting as banker to the government;
> Administering the country's remaining exchange controls; and
> Acting as lender of last resort in exceptional circumstances.
All of these tasks that are of primary national importance and are cornerstone to a country's economy were privatised under ANC watch, and are owned by a foreign cartel of bankers. The Reserve Bank is undoubtedly the most powerful institution in the country, as Baron Mayer Amschel Rothschild (1744-1812), who is the founder of the Rothschild banking dynasty, aptly put it: “Give me control of a nation’s money supply and I care not who makes their laws.”
Whoever controls the means of production in a country – de facto the money supply – is the one with the real power; and as such the ANC sold out power to capitalists, because it is in the economy where power rests. The ANC surrendered the control of the Reserve Bank to white monopoly capital.
Its fate was explained by Vishnu Padaychee; who was tasked to draft a document for the CODESA negotiating team on the on the pro’s and con’s of having an autonomous central bank, run with total autonomy from the elected government. He and his team drafted and submitted the document with a clear policy of not allowing the Reserve Bank to be autonomous. He was later told by the negotiating team that they had conceded to the demands of white monopoly capital, backed by IMF loan guarantees, to privatise the Reserve Bank. Padayachee could not believe it. Vishnu Padayachee is now a distinguished professor of Economics and Business at Wits University; he has an excellent track record in economic and social policy research and research in banking. You can go ask him about the happenings around there.
Following that task, Gill Marcus immediately went to the already privatised Reserve Bank as deputy governor in 1999 and became its governor in 2009. Between 1997 and 2004, no less eighteen state-owned firms were sold by the South African government, summing up to about US$4 billion in total (approximately R58 billion today); and you never even heard of it once. No one made a noise about it because it was agreements of CODESA being implemented. It was part of the IMF agreement signed on 1 December 1993 to privatise state-owned enterprises to secure a US$850 million loan. I will expand on it when I get to Pravin Gordhan.
You wake up over 22 years later screaming state capture when the state was captured long ago, with the cooperation of the very same people leading the current screaming. You need to get yourself informed, Mark Twain told you that reading newspapers is misinformation.
2. PITYANA IS HIMSELF A BENEFICIARY OF CRONYISM PACTS OF THE ANC WITH WHITE MONOPOLY CAPITAL
Sipho Pityana himself served as Director General of the Department of Labour from 1995 - 1999 (A Ministry headed by Tito Mboweni then) in Mandela's tenure as President, and then went to serve as Director General of the Department of Foreign Affairs from 1999 - 2002 during Thabo Mbeki's first tenure as President. Then he left to join "business", the then newly found term for cadreship that was being assimilated into BEE positions by white capital as a spin-off of CODESA. By now I believe we know that BEE is a concept that came up with white monopoly capital, and the first usage of the term Black Economic Empowerment is from a Sanlam subsidiary back in 1997. We know the beneficiaries of Sanlam BEE right?
Anyway still on Sipho Pityana, in 2002 he emerges as Executive Director of Nedcor Investment Bank and Managing Director of Nedbank. These are subsidiaries of Old Mutual Holdings, now a British Insurance Giant listed on the London Stock Exchange. It is one of the many companies that were founded in South Africa, got listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, but as part of the CODESA settlement to protect white monopoly capital's ill-begotten wealth became dual listed in London and other western stock markets. There's a long list of them.
Sipho went on to serve on many of these companies's boards, JSE listed and all, including AngloGold Ashanti which he has served since February 2007 according to his bio that reads: "Sipho Mila Pityana is a senior director having joined the board of AngloGold Ashanti in February 2007. He is the chairman of the Safety, Health and Environment and the Nominations committees, and a member of the following committees: Remuneration and Human Resources, Social, Ethics and Transformation, Risk and Information Integrity, Investment and Financial Analysis committees. He was previously the Chairman of the Remuneration Committee."
Now besides AngloGold being a spin-off company of Anglo American's decentralisation, it is of particular interest to me because I come from an area where AngloGold Ashanti has been getting a huge percentage of its gold from in its entire history, that is Orkney in the North West Province. I have no hearsay accounts, but an eyewitness account of the brutality of its capitalism on my people. The statistics of fatalities of their mining accidents and silicosis victims who were laid off by the mines to die as paupers after years of service are not statistics to me; they are family members, relatives, friends, fathers of friends and people of my community whom we have buried. I can put faces to the statistics. Yet Kanana township has the highest rate of crime in the entire North West Province, one of the highest occurrences of gangster violence in the whole country and generally a place of misery; but no less than 11 gold mine shafts are within a 25 kilometer radius from the township, with most a walking distance from the township and all of that having been originally owned by AngloGold Ashanti before it laid some off. There however is no sign that the people live on top of gold deposits, no infrastructure, nothing. There is really nothing to show, not even a designated community fund, besides one buying politicians in the city councils. Not that it will be something we want, we want to own those mines.
So hearing this Pityana man saying "Zemk'iinkomo magwala ndini" really irked me off because the metaphor he was using he has no right to go near. He is a director of a cartel of AngloGold Ashanti that steals gold worth billions from my people annually, that owns land that is near half of the whole Dr Kenneth Kaunda District Municipality land area whereas my people are landless without space to even move. He then wants to point fingers at Zuma? Get out of here.
What Sipho Pityana was saying is a lot nothing, and Makhenkesi Stofile has no legacy outside that he was a member of a deceptive ANC and served as its premier and minister in government, and later ambassador to Germany (a dubious process that ambassador appointment thing that has seen both Winnie and Nelson Mandela's daughters appointed as ambassadors). People must not lie about the dead...
Sipho Pityana cannot speak about movement and state capture supposedly being a recent occurrence when he himself was long captured by white monopoly capital along with whole movement. He must account for the gold he is actively signing off to England and America first and stop being a mouthpiece of white capital because we know there is no integrity in his words.
3. THE BATTLE IS BETWEEN THE WHITE MONOPOLY CAPITAL FACTION AND THE BRICS FACTION WITHIN THE ANC
Sipho Pityana is part of a faction that has beneficiaries of CODESA, who still hold directorship in these mining companies, banks and other white monopoly capital entities - basically the people still with the original state captors. So when someone speaks against Zuma from within the ANC, first check his CV as to where he falls before trusting their sincerity. Trevor Manuel is on the Rothschild payroll, and his wife Maria Ramos heads Barclays Africa, never take him seriously; besides he was minister of finance who did a neoliberal job so well, the world bank head hunted him. You think he was aiding our benefit? Stop playing games. Tito Mboweni, Ben Turok, Ronnie Kasrils, Pravin Gordhan, the lot of them; they are in the faction of White Monopoly Capital that captured the state at CODESA.
The other faction, led by Jacob Zuma, is the BRICS faction. Now the BRICS is a break away from white monopoly capital (your South African white companies and western companies) to making dealings with the Chinese, Indians, Russians. Zuma started to make this shift from the west when he came into presidency. All the ones who had been sidelined from the feasting and looting – catered for by white monopoly capital prior to the 2007 Polokwane elective conference – came to the party to a dinner served by the incoming Chinese capital and the normal state corruption of course as they were to be new deployees replacing the old guard that lost in the Polokwane conference.
Cyril Ramaphosa, although one of the biggest beneficiaries of white monopoly capital's BEE, aligns himself with this faction because of his long standing disgruntlement with Thabo Mbeki; their history is quite public, starting post 1991 ANC elective conference in Durban, about the choices on who would deputise Mandela in his government presidency post 1994 elections and eventually succeed him. He is the glorious son of white capital however, so his loyalty to this faction is very questionable. This is the man who white capital made a billionaire by defrauding a man called Sam Molope – arguably South Africa's most successful black businessman during apartheid, and a self made multimillionaire – in a very nefarious, barbaric process lasting from 1994 to 2001, that involved the United States Trade and Development Agency, Rebhold, Nedcor, Mercentile Bank and others, and left Sam Molope penniless at the end of it. He is likely setting up to wrestle power back from within this camp and take it back to white monopoly capital on a silver platter.
It is not that Zuma is corrupt, that he is lambasted by white media, rather it is who he is practising corruption with. Corruption in the ANC government has always existed, and in fact in way greater proportions before Zuma, the issue was not there before because the main beneficiaries were white monopoly capital entities. No one made a noise when Anglo American and other white companies monopolised coal supply to ESKOM, or when the ANC benefited from tender deals then. It was a problem when the Guptas did it, and when ANC benefits from other sources. Now Popo Molefe wants to make it a new thing that ANC got kickbacks from tenders in SOEs when crying about the R80 million PRASA locomotive saga, when the programmes and campaigns of the ANC have been funded this way forever now. The Arms Deal was one of the exemplar cases, and it implicated all the elite of the ANC.
Popo Molefe himself was premier of my home province, the North West, from 1994-2004; having forgotten his BPC, SASM and AZAPO days, he was a factionalist of the Mapogo faction in the North West, that was running municipalities bankrupt all over the province and in cahoots with platinum and Gold mines that continued unabated in the exploitation of mining communities while financing politicians to turn the blind eye as per CODESA agreement. Immediately after his tenure as premier ended in April 2004, he joined the Anooraq Resources Corporation, a platinum mining and exploration company from Canada, as co-nonexecutive chairperson, as was the trend of leaving public service to cushy position in white capital companies by the top brass of the ANC. Now people want to take moral high ground without implicating themselves in the rot they helped manufacture? They must wait and look in the mirror.
Before 2009, most ordinary people in South Africa didn't even know what the public protector was, less known are the two previous incumbents of the office prior to Thuli Mandonsela. This is because until it was needed by white supremacy, the office was useless pretty much. It failed to investigate apartheid era crimes worth billions, include the CIEX report of 1997 that showed trails of R26 billion siphoned offshore by apartheid cabinet ministers and businesses and how it could be gotten back. What about Illicit Financial Flows out of the country facilitated by multinationals in South Africa, reported to be at 20% of the GDP annually in 2007 and could well be over R1 trillion a year from 2014?
Remember who owns the media outlets that are running with all the propaganda and who stands to benefit, remember Mark Twain yet again with his quote on newspapers and misinformation. Remember how Malcolm X said the media is the most powerful entity in the world because it has the power to make the innocent look guilty and the guilty look innocent. Don't be caught up in hype, thoroughly understand what is going on.
4. PRAVIN GORDHAN IS AN OLD FRIEND OF WHITE MONOPOLY CAPITAL
While the media is doing its best to portray Pravin Gordhan as a superhero holding the economy "stable", the biggest load of rubbish ever; they don't tell you the real reason they want him there.
Pravin Gordhan was the candidate of choice for white monopoly capital after Nenegate to come "stabilise" the markets and economy. What they were saying is that they wanted someone they knew was on their side and would look after their interests and guard against Zuma's coup supported by BRICS.
Immediately after Nhlanhla Nene was replaced with Des van Rooyen, Johann Rupert met with Cyril Ramaphosa and Trevor Manuel and his wife Maria Ramos to discuss the removal of newly appointed Minister of Finance, Des van Rooyen.
The follow up of this meeting to was a meeting that took place on the night of the 13 December 2015. The following high ranking officials and bankers of white monopoly capital (multinational corporations included) met with the ANC Top 6 in seeking the removal of Des van Rooyen:
1. Barclays Africa Group Chief Executive Officer, Maria Ramos;
2. Goldman Sachs’ South Africa head, Colin Coleman;
3. Investec Bank’s global CEO, Stephen Koseff;
4. Imperial Holdings’ CEO, Mark Lamberti;
5. Sanlam CEO, Ian Kirk;
6. Business Leadership South Africa chairperson Bobby Godsell;
7. Toyota Europe CEO, Johan van Zyl and
8. First Rand CEO, Johan Burger.
Interestingly, these meetings were contravention of Section 4 of the Prevention and Combating of Corruption Activities Act, 2004 on the part of these leaders of white capital because they were actively seeking to influence state decisions as to was appointed into a cabinet portfolio and that is corruption. No one cared though, it is only news when it is supposedly the Guptas who appoint cabinet ministers.
Anyhow, white monopoly capital got the candidate they wanted put in place, Pravin Gordhan. However to fully understand Pravin Gordhan's relationship with white monopoly capital, we must go back to CODESA. During the period when CODESA started to 1994, CODESA appointed The “Transitional Executive Committee” (TEC) that took control of the South African government in this period as an interim government of some sorts. This TEC comprised of a few leading ANC leaders and the ruling National Party. During this time, South Africa faced a balance of payments difficulty in 1993 which was the result of a siege on the economy by the apartheid regime. They had created huge debts with the IMF and World Bank – the twins of economic assassination – and part of the agreement at CODESA was that the incoming government would acquire and take over these debts.
The Transitional Executive Council subcommittee on finance included the likes of (wait for it):
Trevor Manuel (who went on to become minister of finance and is now head of Rothschild Africa),
Maria Ramos (who went on to become the Director General of the National Treasury, left to be CEO of Transnet SOC, and is now Barclays Group Africa CEO),
Pravin Gordhan (chair of CODESA from 1991-1994, and went on to become Commissioner of SARS from 1999 to 2009, the year Jacob Zuma appointed him Minister of Finance; he currently serves a second term in the ministry after Nenegate)
Tito Mboweni (who was to become the first Minister of Labour in Mandela's cabinet, then from 1999 became Reserve Bank Governor until 2009; currently international advisor for Goldman Sachs International)
and they were led by Thabo Mbeki.
The TEC accepted, on December 1, 1993, an $850 million loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), signed first by South Africa’s current minister of finance, Pravin Gordhan. The loan included the following “terms and conditions” which Mandela’s ANC gladly accepted when they signed the deal and sold out the economic struggle:
> Lower import tariffs;
> Cuts in state spending,
> Large cuts in public sector wages;
> Free trade routes;
> Excessive flight capital off the borders of SA;
> Privatisation of state own enterprises;
> Fiscal controlled economy; and
> Last but very importantly, the ANC must move away from its radical position of nationalisation of mines, banks, other strategic industries of the economy and to abort its policy of expropriation of land; things that were documented even in the compromised Freedom Charter.
So now you know that Pravin Gordhan was the first signatory in the official selling out of the land and economy that countless Africans died for ever since 1652. His pen was one of those that defecated on the graves of Hintsa, Sekhukhune, Cetshwayo, Bambatha, Biko, Sobukwe, Lembede, Mashinini and many nameless heroes who laid down their lives for the land over the centuries.
He is not keeping the economy stable, he is keeping guard for a sell-out pact, and that is why the American Chamber of Commerce supports him saying South Africa needs him; its members are beneficiaries of this nefarious pact stealing the wealth of this country from its rightful owners. They need him, not us. They also need him to fight BRICS. What we need is our land and economy back.
Oh, and don't listen to NGOs that are being funded by capitalists. They are actually criminal organisations too those ones, making poverty pornography with our people and pretending to be helping while they actually help facilitate the capital flight from the continent. Africa is a net creditor to the world, yet we are poor because of things like the pseudo-help industry of NGOs.
CLOSING REMARKS
Jacob Zuma has done nothing that is out of the ordinary in terms of corruption in government, he inherited a culture of corruption that is long standing in the ANC and continued with it.
What Jacob Zuma is being chastised for is that he is taking allegiances of economic pacts away from western capital to BRICS led by China. This is why White media has demonised heads of states in BRICS countries and we even saw President Rouseff of Brazil successfully impeached just weeks after the failed attempt to impeach Jacob Zuma in April.
BRICS poses a threat to the, up to thus far, uncontested hegemony of the International Monetary Fund–The World Bank Group–Bank for International Settlements cartel backed by the United Nations. They are forming the BRICS bank, that already bailed out ESKOM with billions of dollars – money that would normally have been loaned to ESKOM by IMF or the likes. The biggest threat of BRICS and BRICS bank however, has been its move to establish gold standard currency, Russia and China have done it and want to pass the system to all of BRICS. This would spell disaster for the Western fiat monetary system headed by the U.S. dollar and as such is being fought tooth and nail. China and Russia are even moving to replace SWIFT with CIPS (China International Payment System) for international payments (read more about it).
Thus I advise that we treat with caution the calling for Zuma's head. Who is calling for Zuma's head? What are their allegiances? Where will the country's economic go when his head falls?
I am all for Zuma falling, but not to play into the hands of white capital. The proper call is that the ANC must hand back the power to the people, and collectively admit they sold us. Because the faction opposing Zuma is filled with people who have blood on their hands too. Thus we can't expect better.
Give us the land back and retire, let the young clean ones take charge.
LASTLY: TO THE PEOPLE
In these tumultuous times, I believe that it is apparent that the state of affairs calls for revolutionary action. We are at a point in history where if we do nothing, the homeland will be gone forever. We have seen the masses of our black people running away from the lions to the blue Nile infested with crocodiles in the elections, because we have done nothing. The ANC failed to bring the land, they sold it away instead; the DA won't give the land, they are a white monopoly capital defenders through and through. In fact the whole constitution of this country as it stands makes it impossible to bring the desired change for the ordinary black man living below the breadline on the street.
Let it be known that I am not vouching for BRICS. This on the basis that I cannot be certain that the two biggest countries in the world by land mass, and the two biggest economies of BRICS, might advance to becoming the new IMF/World Bank cartel themselves. All imperialism is bad, western and eastern. China has a track record of its own in imperialist affairs, the people of Tibet come to mind. They have also showed bad faith and exploitative capitalism in Zimbabwe, Uganda and Angola among other African countries they have invested in. The Russians are after all still Russians too, and we must remember that the casualties of the cold war were small countries like Vietnam, Cambodia, Burma and the valiant Cuba. So I have many reservations about BRICS. I however would like to have them as trade partners, not as exploitative "blessers" who sow money only to expect tenfold yields once you have become "indebted" to them. My imaginative post revolutionary stance would be economics heads of the continent reviewing engagement in activities with superpowers in a way that is more favourable to us as a continent, because if not we will forever be slaves. Moving from one Pimp to another is not an option we have.
The task has come to us the masses to craft a way forward and take charge of the destiny of the land of our forefathers because it won't be handed to us. Without doing so, history will remember us harshly and our children will curse us. We cannot keep entrusting power to others, when they have failed dismally and the state is in illegitimate hands. Let us take charge and take the state back because we are the true custodians, by any means necessary – the onus is now on us. Freedom or death, we are to decide today.
Now that you know the truth, ask yourself if you are happy with the status quo. Also ask yourself what is the way forward. More importantly, act. We can no longer be complacent and uninvolved, this is a state of emergency and it implicates everyone of us my brethren.
I pause and submit here.
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